The small town of Heilsberg, situated on the left bank of the Alle, was connected by several bridges with a poor suburb on the opposite side. From the hollow in which the town lies, the ground rises to the north, east, and south, to a curved line of heights of – for this generally flat country – fairly commanding elevation. The ridge crosses the river, which divides it about a mile below the town. [1]

On the right bank, the heights curve back rather sharply, till they meet the marshy brook flowing from south to north, through the suburb, to the Alle. On this side, their elevation is greater than that of their northward continuation beyond the river, and they form quite a respectable height. In the brook, with its marshy bed, to the south they find a strong support from the point of view of an army defending them. In this direction they can only be turned with difficulty, by a considerable detour. North of the Alle, the line of hills is less strongly marked; it sweeps away from the river, almost at right angles, for a distance of nearly a mile and a half, before turning back towards the village of Konegen. Two and a quarter miles north of Heilsberg, to the left of the Koenigsberg road, there is a considerable sheet of water on the shore of which is situated the village of Grossendorf. The heights are bare on their outer slope.

It was this line of rising ground which Bennigsen had, during the spring, carefully fortified as a support to his army. The portion on the right bank was by nature stronger than that on the left. It was also that to which the Russian engineers had devoted most care and attention. Its crest and outer slope were covered with a series of redoubts and other works which, combined with the protection afforded by the marshy stream on its left flank, rendered it almost impregnable to anything but a regular siege.

On the left bank of the river, where it passes through the heights, there was, at the foot of their slope, a work designed for the protection of the bridges above it. Some 500 paces from the river, on a projecting spur, was redoubt No. 1; 900 paces farther in the same line was redoubt No. 2. No. 3 was 1500 paces farther, on the right rear of No. 2. A small earthwork was constructed across the Koenigsberg road, 700 paces south of the Grossendorf lake. These, with two or three interspersed flêches or minor works, were all the fortifications on this side of the river. In front of the position on the right bank, the country was thickly wooded along, and to some distance from, the river.

On the north side, an undulating plain stretched in all directions. It was intersected by the semicircular course of the Spuibach, forming the outlet of the Grossendorf lake to the Alle. On the left bank of this brook, rather more than 2 miles north-west of Heilsberg, was the wood of Lawden. Half a mile south-west of the wood was the village of the same name. Continuing the line between the wood and the village, the next point reached is the village of Langwiese, more than half a mile from Lawden; proceeding, always in the same south-westerly direction, another full half-mile, the village of Bewernick is reached; a short distance beyond that the Alle, about three miles below the line of Bennigsen’s fortifications. Along the south side of Bewernick passes the road from Guttstadt, by the left bank, on which, at a short distance from the river, it continues to Heilsberg.

On the fortified heights on both banks, Bennigsen, on the 10th June, ranged his army for battle. On the left bank, with its left flank resting on the work near the river, stood the 8th division. Next to it, on the right, the 6th took post. Beyond this the 4th and 5th divisions, and 27 squadrons of Prussian cavalry, continued the line behind the redoubts. From the Mehlsack road the position bent back towards redoubt No. 3, at which point the infantry line ended. It was a continuous double line, in which each regiment had its 1st and 2nd battalions deployed in first line, and the 3rd in column as second line.

Behind the left wing and centre stood, as reserve, 12 battalions, drawn up in three columns. A few more battalions were in front of the left, in and about redoubt No. 1. Kamenskoi’s infantry garrisoned redoubts Nos. 2 and 3, the former of which had 16 Russian guns, partly in, and partly near it. No. 3 was held by a 6-pr. battery (14 guns). Behind No. 2, in support of its garrison, was the 2nd battalion Towarzycs regiment (cavalry).

The Russian cavalry extended the infantry line from redoubt No. 3 towards Konegen, ending with the main body of the cossacks. The rest of the Prussian cavalry was stationed thus: 5 squadrons behind the right of the infantry line; 10 squadrons (Zieten’s dragoons) and a horse artillery battery behind the left flank of the Russian cavalry; farther to the rear, 2 squadrons of hussars and the first battalion Towarzycs regiment, in reserve, behind the centre of Kamenskoi’s infantry. Beyond the lake, 5 regiments of cossacks held Grossendorf.

At the commencement, there were, on the right bank, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 7th, and 14th divisions. As the day advanced, all these passed to the left bank except a few regiments. The 2nd division held the left of the southern position, resting on the marshes; the fist; on its right, extended to the Alle. The others, at first, were at the three redoubts nearest the river. The Guard hussar regiment was out in front on the Guttstadt road, two more cavalry regiments on that leading to Seeburg, [2] where Knorring, with a flying column, maintained communication with the force on the Narew. To connect the two portions of his position across the river, Bennigsen had a permanent bridge behind his work on the left bank, 3 pontoon bridges a little above it, and 5 permanent bridges in the town.

Between 9 and 10 a.m., the Russian commander-in-chief received information from Barasdin’s outposts at Launau, about 6 miles towards Guttstadt on the left bank, that the French were advancing in force in that direction. He at once despatched 2 jäger and 1 musketeer regiments, with a militia battalion, a dragoon regiment, and 2 light guns towards Launau. At the same time, he sent orders to Bagration, who was retiring on the opposite side of the river from Reichenburg, to cross by the pontoon bridges, and to move again up the left bank and fend off the enemy.

At Bewernick, Bagration met Barasdin, and the force sent to his support, retiring before Murat. Rallying them, he posted himself behind the depression in which Bewernick and Langwiese lie. He had three columns of infantry, and one of cavalry, on the near side of the valley, with cossacks and skirmishers in front, along and behind the Bewernick brook; more cavalry and a battery towards Langwiese. Two batteries occupied the heights behind Bewernick, where the infantry columns were.

Murat, followed by Soult, Savary’s grenadiers, and Lannes’ corps in the order named, had left Guttstadt early in the morning. As already mentioned, he had driven in Barasdin’s outposts, about 8 a.m., at Launau; about 2 p.m., he again drove back on Bewernick the reinforcements which Bennigsen had sent. His further progress was arrested by the batteries which Bagration had posted behind Bewernick. He was compelled to wait for Soult’s infantry and artillery to open a road. The latter placed 36 guns, part on a height across the Liebstadt road, part on heights on the left, about 500 yards from Bewernick. The fire of these overpowered and silenced that of the Russian batteries, and cleared the way for an advance on Bewernick, from which the hostile skirmishers had retired.

Shortly after leaving Launau, Legrand’s division had borne off to the left, on the direct line to Langwiese; Savary’s grenadiers, on the left rear of Legrand, skirted the woods north-west of Bewernick. In front of that village, Soult had St. Cyr’s division in 1st, St. Hilaire’s in 2nd, line; Murat’s cavalry on the left. The objective of Legrand, Savary, and Murat, was Lawden and the wood beyond it. Soult’s own cavalry supported St. Cyr and St. Hilaire.

Under the protection of Soult’s 36 guns, St. Cyr occupied Bewernick about 3 p.m., and, deploying beyond it, became involved in a long, severe, and slowly advancing conflict with Bagration’s infantry, in which he had to seek support from St. Hilaire to enable him to advance. Whilst this combat was proceeding on the Russian side of Bewernick, Murat was moving on Langwiese; Legrand, followed by Savary, on Lawden, which he had nearly reached.

Bagration’s cavalry attacked Murat before he reached Langwiese; it was defeated and pursued through the village, losing 2 guns on the left of it. Before he had completely reorganised his cavalry beyond Langwiese, after their passage through it, Murat was attacked by a large force of cavalry. Bennigsen, seeing the French progress towards Langwiese and Lawden, had ordered Uwarow, with 25 squadrons and 3 jäger regiments, to support Bagration.

Crossing the Spuibach in two columns, Uwarow, with the 3 jäger regiments, and a few cavalry, went to the right towards Lawden. He found the village already occupied, and came under artillery fire from a French battery on the Gaberberg. Making a circuit out of range, he occupied the wood with the jägers. The other column, commanded by Koschin, who had so distinguished himself at Pultusk, and Fock crossed the Spuibach at the main road, just as Bagration’s men were retreating before St. Cyr. Turning to its right, the column fell upon Murat’s cavalry, [3] as it was deploying, and, at the first onset, carried it away in confusion back towards Langwiese. Napoleon, seeing the advance of the Russian cavalry, had sent Savary [4] to support Murat with his two fusilier regiments and 12 guns. In order to reach the plain where Murat was manœuvring, Savary had to pass a long defile between marshes, and through the village of Langwiese. This defile, he perceived, was also the only line of retreat of the cavalry, should they be defeated. Had he met them in it, the results must have been disastrous; he hurried forward as fast as possible. He had scarcely deployed, two battalions in front and the rest in columns on his flanks, when he was almost carried away by Murat’s cavalry, fleeing before the victorious Russians. He opened a steady artillery and infantry fire, refusing to obey Murat’s orders to advance with the bayonet. According to his account, [5] the Russian cavalry were supported by infantry and artillery, which he with difficulty beat off, thanks to the excellent service of his own artillery, under Grenier. Murat, rallying behind him, and reinforced by more cavalry, turned the tables. Koschin was killed, Fock wounded, and the Russian cavalry swept back behind the Spuibach.

The final repulse of this cavalry exposed the right flank of Bagration, still on the French side of the Spuibach, and compelled him, pressed in front by St. Cyr, to retreat in some confusion across it. He might have suffered a serious disaster but for the prompt action of the Grand Duke Constantine on the right bank of the Alle. That commander pushed forward a powerful battery to the river below the infall of the brook, the right bank of which he was thus able to sweep, causing heavy loss to St. Cyr and St. Hilaire. St. Cyr, alone, was unable, after several attacks, to cross the brook against Bagration, now drawn up on its farther side. He accordingly gave place to St. Hilaire’s division, which, after a desperate combat, succeeded in getting to its left bank. Whilst this struggle was going on between Bagration and St. Cyr, Legrand, supported by Savary, moved, under cover of his artillery at and behind Lawden, to the attack of the Lawden wood. In it the French met Uwarow’s 3 jäger regiments, who fought fiercely with the bayonet. It was only after a protracted, well-sustained combat that Legrand succeeded in ejecting the enemy, and strongly occupying the wood, which was an invaluable support to the left of the French line.

Bagration and Uwarow had now played to the bitter end their part in warding off, as long as possible, the French troops from the main position. So long as they were on the plain in front of it, they, necessarily, masked the fire of the powerful artillery ranged on the heights before Heilsberg. The curtain, which so far had protected the French from this fire, was now drawn aside. Bagration’s infantry, worn out by a long march followed by a severe action, retired by the line of the main road. His jägers stopped to occupy the earthwork on the left bank of the river, the rest passing the Alle, took up their stand in the centre of the southern area. Bagration himself joined Kamenskoi in the northern redoubts. His cavalry, united with that of Uwarow, proceeded to the right wing of the army.

It was at this time that Bennigsen brought over the 7th division, followed by the 3rd and 14th, from the right bank to the left, their place being, to some extent, filled by Bagration’s infantry. The 1st and 2nd divisions formed a new reserve on the left bank. Bagration’s retreat began between 5 and 6 p.m.; by the latter hour, the plain in front of the Russian entrenchments was cleared of their advanced troops.

The French on the Spuibach plain, at Lawden, and in front of the wood, were now exposed to the full fury of a cannonade from all the guns on the northern heights, as well as from those in many of the works on the south bank, and the battery on the river’s edge opposite the mouth of the brook. Their own artillery was not sufficient to reply with great effect to the 150 pieces brought to bear on them. Inaction under such a fire would have been intolerable. St. Hilaire’s division on the right, followed by St Cyr’s and by the cavalry, pushed on over the plain, towards redoubt No. 1, passing through an ever-increasing storm of artillery fire.

Simultaneously with their advance, Legrand, on the left, and Savary, issued from the Lawden wood, sending forward the 26th light infantry to the storm of redoubt No. 2. Passing through the depression in front of the work, they suffered from a most efficacious grape fire, and from the musketry of the two battalions at the redoubt. Nothing could stop the impetuous charge of the 26th. The redoubt was carried about 7 p.m., [6] the infantry driven back, and the 1st battalion of the Towarzycs regiment (cavalry), which had attempted to attack the French left, was forced to give way by the musketry fire which it encountered. Grohlmann, who commanded here, finding his troops forced out of the work, the palisades of the gorge of which had been broken to facilitate the withdrawal of the guns, at once sent to Warneck in rear, imploring him to fall upon the intruding French, before they could be supported, or establish themselves firmly in the captured redoubt.

Most readily did Warneck bring forward the Perm and Kaluga regiments. Moving in perfect order, joined by the Sonsk regiment, on their left, they saw the French, in and about the redoubt, not yet firmly settled in it, endeavouring to prepare for its defence. As the Russian regiments marched forward they received a heavy fire of grape from the guns of the work, now turned against them. Warneck, struck by a musket-ball, fell, as he bravely led forward his men. His place was instantly filled by Grohlmann, who was personally well known to the men. With a loud cheer he placed himself at their head. Bravely though the French fought, they could not stand against the bayonets of the Russian infantry. Broken and in disorder, they fled to the rear, pursued by their triumphant conquerors. As Warneck charged, the 1st battalion of the Zieten dragoons, supported by the 1st battalion of the Towarzycs regiment, and the now rallied 2nd battalion, galloped forward on his right. Bringing forward their right shoulders, this body of cavalry fell on the cuirassier division of Espagne halted between the Lawden wood and the infantry. Then ensued a deadly hand-to-hand struggle, ending in the defeat, with great loss, of the cuirassiers. The Prussian horsemen pursued them into the midst of their batteries, hewing down the gunners. It was not until they were met by a heavy infantry fire that the Prussians were forced to retire to their original position.

St. Hilaire, seeing the defeat of the 26th at redoubt No. 2, had sent to support it the 55th regiment from his left.

Charged by more Prussian cavalry, whose approach was concealed by the thick smoke, disordered by the beaten 26th and the Russian infantry, their colonel killed, this regiment, too, was overthrown, and lost its eagle. Not till a fresh French chasseur regiment came to its aid, was it disengaged from the Prussian cavalry, now forced to a rapid retreat through the Russian infantry lines. On this wing there was an indescribable scene of confusion. Legrand’s and Savary’s infantry – formed in hollow squares, containing the Russian prisoners, arranged checkerwise and intermixed with the reserve cavalry – were attacked in all directions by Russian and Prussian cavalry again pushing forward. Slowly they gave way, their squares moving without being broken, again across the Spuibach. But for the timely arrival at this juncture, on their left, of Verdier’s division of Lannes’ corps, and the support offered by St. Hilaire on their right, they could hardly have avoided total defeat.

As Legrand and Savary were forced back, they necessarily exposed the left flank of St. Hilaire and St. Cyr.

Those generals had arrived close in front of redoubt No. 1, but, met in front by the Russian defenders, and their left flank exposed as above described, they had found themselves unable to go farther. They, too, fell back, suffering appalling losses.

The assault on redoubt No. 2 had occurred soon after 7 p.m.; [7] by 9 p.m. the whole French line was again driven behind the Spuibach, though they still held the Lawden wood beyond it. The Russians had retired, after their victory, to their entrenched positions; the battle seemed over for the night. Not so thought Lannes, who had now reached the field. He resolved on one more attempt. Collecting Verdiers division, he sent it forward once more against redoubt No. 2, from the Lawden wood, about 10 p.m. Warned by a deserter [8] of the impending assault, the Russians were prepared to meet it. As Verdier, supported by the 75th of Legrand’s division, moved out across the plain, he was received with such a storm of artillery fire that his division withered before it. The attack collapsed, the troops once more fell back on the wood.

The 18th regiment of Legrand’s division had been pushed forward in the afternoon towards Grossendorf, to threaten Bennigsen’s communications with Koenigsberg. There it had been set upon by the cossacks. Formed in battalion squares, it had for hours resisted every attack with success. When the fighting was over on his own front, Legrand sent out two more battalions to its aid. With their help, it was able to rejoin the main French line.

After the failure of Verdier’s attempt, a few Russian light infantry were sent in the darkness against the Lawden wood; they found the French too strongly posted there to give any hope of their being driven out. It was 11 p.m. before the last sounds of fighting died away, and were succeeded by silence, broken only by the shrieks and groans of the many thousand wounded, strewing the plain , between the contending armies.

The honourable warfare of the day gave place to a scene which was equally disgraceful to either army. Swarms of followers, the scum of the armies, skulked out from either side into the plain, not intent upon mutual destruction, but united in a common warfare against the defenceless dead and wounded. The clouds, which had been threatening during the day, discharged a heavy fall of rain, as though Heaven itself wept over this dreadful sight. When morning broke, the soldiers of the two armies, inured as they were to the horrors of war, were yet struck with dismay at the sight which met their eyes on the plain between them. Thousands upon thousands of naked bodies lay upon it; many dead; many still shivering with fever after the night of rain. [9] The dead and wounded alike had been stripped of clothes, and everything they had, by the foul human beasts of prey who, during the hours of darkness, had glutted themselves with the plunder of the sufferers and the dead. So great was the horror inspired by this disgraceful scene, that, by mutual, though unspoken consent, French and Russian met peacefully on the ghastly plain to bury the dead and remove the wounded.

The loss in this great battle was enormous on both sides. Soult’s corps alone admittedly lost 6601, [10] the total loss of the French was probably at least 10,000. Yet there were engaged on their side only the corps of Soult, Murat, and one division of Lannes’. The Russians had lost 2000 or 3000 killed, and 5000 or 6000 wounded; in all, not less than 6000 or 8000, besides prisoners. [11] The 1st and 2nd divisions, and the greater part of the Russian cavalry, had not been engaged at all. With such losses, it is easy to judge how fierce was the struggle.

Was this awful loss of life justified by the possible results on either side? It seems doubtful. From Napoleon’s point of view, it is certain that his object, in so far as it consisted in compelling the Russian general to evacuate the position he had prepared with such care, could have been attained with trifling loss on the succeeding day. As Davout and the other corps of the French left appeared beyond Bennigsen’s right, there can be no doubt that he would have felt himself bound, as he actually did on the 11th, to seek temporary safety, once more, on the right bank of the Alle. Attacked in front, he was, no doubt, bound to defend himself as he did. But his victory – for such, in a tactical sense it undoubtedly was, – to use Sir Robert Wilson’s words, “had not an influence beyond the moment, for the redundant power of the French was still unimpaired, and they could traverse by the right of the position, move on Koenigsberg, or, by throwing bridges over the Alle, surround and blockade the Russian army, who had not two days’ bread in their camp, or in those magazines of whose capture Buonaparte vaunts; whilst contagion from the putrid loads that polluted the atmosphere, would have augmented the evils of famine. [12]

Of the tactics of the French in this terrible combat, there is not much that is favourable to be said. Napoleon attacked a very strong position with very inferior forces, for it was not till too late in the day to save the situation, that Lannes’ corps, Ney, and the Guard could reach the battlefield. The two latter took no part in the fighting, and merely served as a support on which the beaten corps in front could fall back. With Soult’s endeavours, in face of an overwhelming enemy, no fault could be found. But for Napoleon’s presence on the field, it is not impossible that that cautious marshal would have refrained from pressing his attack much beyond Bewernick, until the turning movement on the Russian right should take effect.

Murat, on this day, appeared to no advantage. Savary relates how the cavalry commander urged him, against his better judgment, to advance with the bayonet, when a steady fire was the only hope for him, as well as for the cavalry. [13]

Napoleon was disgusted with the behaviour of his cavalry; “ they did nothing I ordered;” he said. [14]

Lannes’ final attack, at 10 p.m., was mere waste of life; it could not reasonably be expected to succeed with a single division. [15]

On the other side, Bagration’s conduct of his rear-guard action against Soult was as admirable as his fight on the previous evening before Guttstadt. His steadfast resistance wore out the enemy, before they even arrived within striking distance of Bennigsen’s line of battle. Similarly, Uwarow, and the Prussian cavalry behaved magnificently towards Lawden against Murat, Savary, and Legrand. The promptitude with which the Grand Duke Constantine supported Bagration, by his battery on the right bank of the Alle, must not be forgotten.

On the morning of the 11th June, the armies again faced one another in order of battle; but, beyond some cannonading of St. Cyr’s division, on the French right, by the Russian batteries beyond the river, no fighting occurred. Napoleon had resolved on dislodging Bennigsen by manœuvring, as he might have done equally well, without making a serious frontal attack on his position, on the previous day. [16]

About noon Bennigsen received information that Davout’s corps had been sighted on the Landsberg road. [17] When the marshal presently appeared at Grossendorf, Bennigsen, now seriously alarmed for the safety of his right flank and rear, with supplies running low, and with the prospect of his position becoming untenable, if only from famine, and the terrible odour of the corpses festering in the sun, determined on retreat during the ensuing night, by the right bank of the river.

At 9 p.m., Kamenskoi was ordered to pass the Alle with 9000 men, to march on Bartenstein, and thence to join Lestocq behind the Frisching. He arrived at Bartenstein (13 miles) early on the morning of the 12th. Starting again at 7 a.m., he made another 13-mile march to Lampasch. Prussian cavalry, reconnoitring on his left flank, found a strong column of the enemy already in Pr. Eylau. Kamenskoi’s troops were weary, but, after two hours’ rest, they once more set out, more to their right to avoid the enemy, and to seek Lestocq.

Bennigsen, with the rest of the army, crossing the Alle at midnight, unperceived by the French, marched in 4 columns for Bartenstein. Bagration, once more, with Platow’s Cossacks, took the post in which he had already shown such marked capacity, the command of the rear-guard. It was not till the morning of the 12th was well advanced that the last troops had passed the river, burning the bridges behind them, [18] as well as the camp on the right bank. Soult presently occupied Heilsberg where he found numbers of Russian wounded and magazines – the latter full according to French accounts, [19] empty according to Wilson. [20] The retreating Russians were followed and watched, not pursued, by only one division of dragoons, and two of light cavalry. [21]

Napoleon, meamvhile, had, on the 11th, again ordered Davout from Grossendorf on Preussisch Eylau, which he reached on the 12th, his advance guard meeting, as has been related, the hussars on Kamenskoi’s left. As he left Grossendorf, his rear-guard had a few slight skirmishes with Platow’s cossacks. The 3rd division, in advance, took post on the 12th at Rothenen; the 2nd, delayed by having to make way for the 3rd, as well as for Oudinot’s grenadiers, only arrived at Eylau at 8 p.m.; the 1st took up its quarters at Waschkeiten. Marulaz made reconnaissances on the Eichorn-Bartenstein road, whilst waiting to act as escort to the reserve park.

Ney, from Launau, marched early on the 12th to Eichorn, halfway between Heilsberg and Eylau. [22]

Napoleon’s headquarters were at Eylau on the 12th, and, Bennigsen being now gone from Heilsberg, Soult and Murat were ordered to follow the other corps towards Eylau. [23] Mortier reached Heilsberg from Altkirch, the Guard also was at Heilsberg. Napoleon, with the mass of his army, was now nearer to Koenigsberg than Bennigsen, whom he could, moving on the chord of the arc which the Russians were following, by the right bank of the Alle, intercept at Friedland.

To bring the position up to date, it is necessary to turn back to the movements of Lestocq and Victor on the Lower Passarge. [24]

The latter general, on the 10th, made a general reconnaissance from Spanden, towards Wusen and Baarden. Wusen was abandoned by the Prussians. Heavy artillery fire at Baarden indicated that they were in force towards Mehlsack. On the 11th June, Lestocq intercepted a despatch, from Berthier to Victor, directing the latter to attack the Prussians, to seize Mehlsack, and to be prepared to march either on Drewenz and Landsberg, or direct on Koenigsberg. [25] Seeing the danger to his left flank, Lestocq, at 3 a.m. on the 12th, marched his 1st division from Heiligenbeil to Zinten, where it took position. During the same night, Victor debouched by the Spanden bridge, towards Mehlsack, driving in the Prussian outposts, which retired towards Zinten. Dupont’s division, with two regiments of cavalry, marching from Frauenburg and Braunsberg, up the Passarge, followed the rest over the Spanden bridge. One Prussian brigade had been left behind to watch Braunsberg. Victor was compelled to leave the 24th regiment, with 2 guns, at Spanden, to oppose it. [26]

During the night of the 12th-13th, Lestocq received Bennigsen’s despatch informing him of his own retreat, and of the detachment of Kamenskoi towards Muhlhausen and the Frisching. Lestocq also heard of the arrival of the French at Eylau. Early on the morning of the 13th he set out on his march to join Kamenskoi behind the Frisching. At 3 p.m. on that day he came upon the head of the Russian column at Gollau, a little way short of Koenigsberg; here, for the moment, he may be left.

Rapp, Governor of Danzig, had received orders to clear the Frische-Nehrung, with a column of 250 men and 4 guns, up to the Pillau channel. Behind this column followed the sailors of the Guard from Elbing.

Bennigsen, finding his right more and more outflanked, halted at Bartenstein but a few hours, to rest his troop, before continuing his march to Schippenbeil at midnight of the 12th-13th. He marched in three columns. Kollogribow, with the Russian Guard, marched by the right bank. The second column, of three divisions, and the cavalry of the left wing, took the road along the left bank. The third, of two divisions, acted as support to the rear-guard, composed of one division and the cavalry of the right wing. The cossacks guarded the flanks.

The head of the column reached Schippenbeil at 4 a.m. on the 13th. As the troops passed through the town, they took position, as if for battle, behind it, between the Alle and its tributary, the Guber. But there was no rest for Bennigsen’s troops, wearied though they were with more than a week of constant marching and fighting, for he now learnt that the French were already about Domnau. Trembling for his communications with Lestocq and Koenigsberg, he again resumed his march at midday.

On the 13th, early in the morning, Napoleon directed Murat on Koenigsberg, with St. Sulpice’s, and Milhaud’s dragoons, and Lasalle’s light cavalry. This force, with Davout’s corps in support, marched by the direct road; Soult, also in support, to the left, by Kreuzberg. The object of this detachment was to place a strong force between Bennigsen and Koenigsberg in any case. At the same time, Lannes was directed on Friedland through Domnau. Mortier, Ney, and the Guard, following Lannes, took post between Eylau and Domnau. Victor arrived at Eylau. [27] The three cavalry divisions, which had followed Bennigsen to Bartenstein, [28] crossed the river there, and moved on Domnau.

[1]  This account of the battle of Heilsberg is based on those of Dumas, Hœpfner, Soult (Arch. Hist.), and Savary. Kausler’s atlas and text has also been consulted. The text must be accepted with caution, for it commits a glaring error in representing Lannes’ corps as consisting of the divisions of Gazan and Suchet. These divisions formed Lannes’ old corps, the 5th, which was at this time on the Narew, under Masséna. [Back to paragraph text]

[2]  This cavalry was withdrawn to the cavalry reserve, when, towards evening, it became certain that no attack was to be apprehended on the right bank (Hœpfner, iii. 605). [Back to paragraph text]

[3]  The “journaux de marche” of the cavalry reserve (Arch. Hist. ) show, as engaged at Heilsberg—
            2nd and 3rd divisions heavy cavalry,
            1st division dragoons;
in all, between 6000 and 7000 sabres. [Back to paragraph text]

[4]  Some French writers have endeavoured to ignore the presence of Napoleon on the battlefield. It is, however, proved (a) by Savary’s statement, as in the text, in his account of his action (iii. 79-81); (b) by a statement on p. 162, vo1. xvii., of the work, Victoires, Conquêtes, etc., des Français, published at Paris in 1818, and certainly not prejudiced against Napoleon; (c) by a picture of the battle in the museum at Versailles.
     Hœpfner (iii. 609) says he arrived at the front at 10 a.m. It is curious that Hœpfner makes no mention of Savary’s part in this cavalry action. It is also difficult to believe that he has not (iii. 607) understated the strength of Uwarow’s attacking cavalry at 1000. He had most of 25 squadrons, besides the rallied cavalry of Bagration. [Back to paragraph text]

[5]  He probably alludes to the infantry and artillery on Bagration’s right. [Back to paragraph text]

[6]  Wilson, p. 146. [Back to paragraph text]

[7]  Napoleon’s 78th bulletin (Corr. 12,747) says it was 9 p.m. when St. Hilaire was in front of the Russian position. Jomini (Vie de Napoleon, ii. 408), apparently following the bulletin, gives the same hour. Wilson (p. 146) says Legrand moved forward “about 7 p.m.” [Back to paragraph text]

[8]  Wilson, p. 146. [Back to paragraph text]

[9]  At the time of Heilsberg and Friedland the days were oppressively hot, the nights damp and cold (Larrey, iii. 85). The weather on the night of the 10th June was bad (ibid., iii. 78). [Back to paragraph text]

[10]  Soult’s report, Arch. Hist. Hœpfner (iii. 615) gives the number as 8286, and Lannes’ losses as 8284. The total loss he puts at 1398 killed, 10,359 wounded, and 864 prisoners. Total, 12,621. [Back to paragraph text]

[11]  Hœpfner, iii. 615. Plotho (p. 162) says the Russian loss was 9000. After the battle he gives their strength as still 76,000. [Back to paragraph text]

[12]  Wilson, p. 149. [Back to paragraph text]

[13]  Savary, iii. 82, 83. He describes how, in the evening, when every one was out of temper at the ill success of the day, he told the Emperor plainly that his brother-in-law was “ un extravagant qui nous ferait perdre un jour quelque bonne bataille; et qu’enfin il vaudrait mieux pour nous qu’il fût moins brave, et eût un peu plus de sens commun.” The Emperor silenced him, saying he was in a temper, but, nevertheless, remembered the words and the still more unmeasured terms of Lannes. [Back to paragraph text]

[14]  See Wilson, p. 149, note, who says this remark was made to a “person in high authority,” whose name he cannot disclose. [Back to paragraph text]

[15]  According to Hœpfner (iii. 615, note) the French themselves admit Lannes’ loss as 2284 killed, wounded, and prisoners. Most of this must have occurred in the night attack. [Back to paragraph text]

[16]  In renewing the fight next day, I should have risked the destruction of the corps destined for it; there was all the less reason for my exposing myself to this in that, by manœuvring on Koenigsberg, I was sure to displace the enemy without striking a blow. For a moment I hesitated whether I would march with the corps of Ney and Davout, by my right, to Bischofstein; the motives I have already indicated determined me to take the opposite direction” (Jomini, Vie de Napoleon, ii. 408). [Back to paragraph text]

[17]  Bennigsen at first failed to appreciate the true significance of Davout’s appearance in this position. He “conceived that the enemy were moving on Koenigsberg, and that General Lestocq, who had been ordered, in the morning, to Zinten from Heíligenbeil, on which he had fallen back, might not be strong enough to resist the advance of the enemy and cover Koenigsberg; he therefore detached General Kamenskoi, with 9000 men, to join him, and ordered General Lestocq to fall back upon Koenigsberg with all expedition and maintain that city, as he (Bennigsen) was moving upon Wehiau with the army to support the line of the Pregel.” (Wilson, pp. 149, 150). The last words are worthy of special note, as showing that, at this time, Bennigsen had no idea of returning to the left bank of the Alle at Friedland. [Back to paragraph text]

[18]  Hœpfner (iii. 622) says 11 a.m.; Wilson (p. 151), 7 a.m. The latter authority thinks that the rear of the Russians might well have been involved in a terrible disaster, had the French been more alert, for at sunrise (soon after 3.30 a.m.) there were still three Russian divisions on the left bank. But it must be remembered that Soult’s corps alone was at this time facing Heilsberg, and it was no part of Napoleon’s programme to draw the Russians on it. “At daybreak on the 11th my army, defiling in two columns, marched for Landsberg and Pr. Eylau. A single corps was left in front of Heilsberg to cover my movement. I did not conceal from myself the possible danger of this course; for in undertaking it I left my own communications in the power of the enemy, who, basing himself on the camp of Heilsberg, could operate on our rear and shut us in between his own army, the Lower Pregel, and the sea” (Jomini, Vie de Napoleon, ii. 409). [Back to paragraph text]

[19]  78th bulletin (Corr. 12,747). [Back to paragraph text]

[20]  Wilson, p. 149), note. [Back to paragraph text]

[21]  Wilson, p. 151. Latour-Maubourg’s dragoon division and the light cavalry divisions of Durosnel and Wattier (Hœpfner, iii. 622; also Dumas, xviii. 283). [Back to paragraph text]

[22]  This, it will be observed, does not quite agree with Jomini’s account (Vie de Napoleon, ii. 409) just quoted. Hœpfner (iii. 619, note; justly remarks on the extreme difficulty of fixing with certainty the French movements before and after Heilsberg, as well as during the battle itself. In this case, however, there is no room for doubt, as Napoleon’s order (Corr. 12,745) is dated Heilsberg, 12th June. It directs Ney to march on Eylau, and to be rejoined by two regiments which he had left at Guttstadt. At the same time Zayonchek’s Poles were to occupy Guttstadt, now evacuated by the advancing army. [Back to paragraph text]

[23]  To Murat, the Emperor wrote that Soult, passing by Landsberg, was sweeping the Prussians before him. Murat was to reconnoitre the country on his right, by parties, on Bartenstein and Friedland. He was not to disperse his troops, and was to call in the regiment on his left so as to give him more troops for his right. [Back to paragraph text]

[24]  Dumas, xviii. 284; Hœpfner, iii. 623; Victor, Arch. Hist. [Back to paragraph text]

[25]  Berthier to Victor, dated 10th June, Guttstadt, 10 a.m. The despatch is given in full by Hœpfner (iii. 627). Berthier does got seem to have repeated his error of January by sending only one copy, for another reached Victor safely. [Back to paragraph text]

[26]  Operations of 1st corps, by Victor, Arch. Hist. [Back to paragraph text]

[27]  At 11 a.m. on the 13th, the Emperor, at Eylau, Summarises the position of his army in a letter to Murat (Corr. 12,749). Lannes was advancing on Lampasch, Davout on Wittenburg, Soult had started at 10 a.m. for Kreuzburg, Victor was at Landsberg, Ney and Mortier just arriving at Eylau. If Murat found himself able to enter Koenigsberg, he was to use Soult for the purpose, as Napoleon wished to have his extreme left in Koenigsberg. If the enemy should arrive to-day at Domnau, Murat would still push Soult on Koenigsberg, placing Davout so as to head the Russians between Domnau and Koenigsberg. In case Bennigsen should march thus by Domnau, it would be necessary for Soult to make sure of the town of Brandenburg, so that there might be no anxiety for the Emperor’s communications, which would be by his left. Half an hour later (Corr. 12,750) he writes to the same effect to Soult, and expressly states that there are indications of the enemy’s intention to concentrate on Domnau. Brandenburg, in these circumstances, would be important, as it would protect the left if the right were exposed.
     By 3 p.m. (Corr. 12,751) the Emperor had heard that Bennigsen was retreating on Schippenbeil, and he tells Lannes to move on Domnau, with cavalry towards Friedland. [Back to paragraph text]

[28]  Vide supra, p. 306, note 4. [Back to paragraph text]