Space will allow of but a brief account of this great siege, which would require a volume to itself if it were to be fully described. [1] Scarcely was the battlefield of Eylau cleared when, on the 18th February, [2] Napoleon commenced his arrangements for the siege, which had been interrupted by Bennigsen’s advance, necessitating the recall of Lefebvre to guard Thorn. Troops were already on the move in that direction.

The 10th corps, under Lefebvre, had to deal with the sieges of Danzig, Colberg, and Graudenz. It consisted of two Polish divisions under Dombrowski, the Baden contingent, a Saxon corps, two Italian divisions, and various French troops – altogether about 27,000 men and 3000 horses. About 10,000 men were French, the rest auxiliaries. The numbers available for the principal siege (Danzig) varied according to the requirements of the others, with which it is not proposed to deal. Graudenz was blockaded; but it was after all but a small fortress, and no great vigour seems to have been exhibited in the siege. It sufficed to effectually mask the place.

On the 18th February, Menard and Dombrowski, near Mewe, drove back part of the Danzig garrison which had moved out in that direction.

A more serious affair occurred on the 23rd, when the same two generals attacked the Prussians in Dirschau. A body of 1500 was cut off in the town, where they made a brave resistance. Overwhelmed by numbers, they were almost entirely destroyed by the Poles, who, exasperated by race hatred and by the long resistance offered, gave but little quarter.

With this effort, the endeavours of the garrison of Danzig to keep the enemy at a distance ceased, and they settled down in and about the city for the siege. Lefebvre, not considering himself strong enough to commence the siege, did not move beyond Dirschau till the 9th March.

At that period the civil population of Danzig numbered about 45,000. The city had somewhat declined in importance of late years, yet was still a very important port and market. Its fortifications had, in 1806, been much neglected, and were in very bad repair. It was only when the Prussian power collapsed, in the autumn of that year, that a siege began to seem probable. Then every effort was made to repair and strengthen the fortress. Much assistance in this respect was derived from the great stores of wood in the place. Palisades and earthwork formed a great feature in the new defences.

The fortress itself was situated in the low ground on the south bank of the left branch of the Vistula, which here flows from east to west before it finally turns north, just below Danzig, to the sea. Through the town runs the little river Mottlau, by damming which it was practicable to inundate the country for some distance from the fortifications of the east and south sides. In these directions the place could be rendered, in those days, practically impregnable. On the north side, it was protected from close approach by the river, from which it was only separated by 300 yards of marshy land intersected by channels. The enceinte consisted of bastioned fronts. On the west side the land rose above the enceinte to a height which commanded the town. On this height was constructed, with earth and palisades, another front, protecting the western enceinte, which, without it, would have been easily subdued. This outer line of works extended from the inundated south side to the Vistula.

The dominating parts, separated from one another by a valley, were those on the southern height of the Bischofsberg and the northern the Hagelsberg. [3] In front of the line, where it joined the Vistula, projected the large redoubt of Kalk, lying in the low ground with a smaller work beyond it. Even the Bischofsberg and the Hagelsberg fronts were not on the highest parts of the rising ground, and were, to some extent, commanded by the ground in front of them. This was obviated by the great height of the works themselves. [4]

Beyond the river, on the north, was the western extremity of the low island known as the Frische-Nehrung, stretching away east as far as Pillau, near Koenigsberg. The extreme western corner of the Frische-Nehrung, at the point where the Vistula changes its course from west to north, was separated from the rest by the navigable canal of Laake, connecting Danzig with the lower reach of the river. The triangular island of Holm, so formed, was of great importance in the siege. So long as the canal remained open, Danzig was directly connected with the sea. The mouth of the Vistula was guarded on its right bank by the fort of Weichselmunde. Opposite to this fort was a large entrenched camp, at Naufahrwasser, having the greater part of its front protected by the Sasper lake, and the channel joining it to the Vistula. It was further guarded by a double line of works.

Between Weichselmunde and Danzig, on the Nehrung, there was a large wood. The island of Holm and the Laake canal were defended by several redoubts and other works, which spread down the banks of the Vistula, connecting Danzig with Weichselmunde.

The artillery of the fortress consisted of 303 guns, 20 howitzers, and 26 mortars. In addition, there were 28 guns, 1 howitzer, and 3 mortars at Weichselmunde, and 51 guns, 2 howitzers, and 3 mortars at Neufahrwasser.

The two forts of the Bischofsberg and the Hagelsberg, on which the French approaches were afterwards directed, had 40 pieces each.

The garrison numbered nearly 16,000 men, including about 1600 cavalry. About 11,000 were in the fortress, the rest at Weichselmunde, Neufahrwasser, on the Holm island, and on the Nehrung. [5] The besiegers are given by Hœpfner as 24,105, [6] at the beginning of the siege. Dumas denies that Lefebvre had more than 16,000 men at his disposal. [7] The truth lies, perhaps, somewhere between the two.

The troops of the garrison were far from being of the first-class, as is admitted by both sides. [8] Lefebvre gradually completed the investment of the place, occupying the whole of the Nogat island, which was useful to Napoleon as a remount depôt, [9] and disposing his troops in the villages west and south-west of the fortress. Many of his troops, too, were not of the best quality, and Napoleon inculcates on him the necessity, with such troops, for strengthening his front with field works. [10]

On the 6th March, the Schidlitz suburb, in the valley separating the Bischofsberg and Hagelsberg ridges, was stormed and fortified. On the 18th, Danzig was completely invested, except on the north side. On that date Field-Marshal Kalkreuth, commanding the garrison, joined it by the Nehrung, bringing some Russian reinforcements.

Napoleon had already urged the necessity of cutting this last open line, which was of the greatest importance; of occupying the western part of the Nehrung, and of separating Danzig from Weichselmunde and the sea. [11] In execution of this order, General Schramm, with about 2000 men and 6 guns, was sent to Furstenwerder on that branch of the Vistula which falls into the western end of the Frisches-Haff. Crossing silently in the early morning of the 20th March, the French troops reached the northern bank unperceived. Thence they advanced in two columns, driving the Prussian posts partly towards Pillau, partly towards Danzig. The latter only rallied towards Danzig, at Wondelen and Bohnsack. Thence, though reinforced, they were driven along the Nehrung to Weichselmunde. The other French columns, meanwhile, protected Schramm’s rear, towards Pillau. About 7 p.m. Kalkreuth attempted, by a sortie on the Nehrung, to prevent Schramm’s establishment, but was beaten off. Measures were at once taken to secure Schramm’s position by field works in all directions: towards Pillau, towards Danzig, and towards Weichselmunde. A bridge over the Vistula was constructed above Danzig.

A general sortie attempted by the garrison, with the object of destroying such works as the besiegers had already constructed, was repulsed. Lefebvre had now collected sufficient troops to warrant him in opening the regular siege. [12]

The question was debated as to the point of attack, and was really decided by Chasseloup, the well-known engineer, to whose counsels Lefebvre was directed to defer in all technical matters. The decision was that the real attack should be on the Hagelsberg front. To divert attention, a false attack was to be made on the Bischofsberg front, and another on the entrenched camp of Neufahrwasser. [13]

It was also very necessary to subdue the works on the left bank of the Lower Vistula, connecting Danzig and Weichselmunde. The ground about them, marshy, and cut up by canals, was extremely unfavourable to the construction of solid works of approach. Schramm was now securely fortified in the Nehrung, his left supported by a village towards the Lower Vistula, his right resting on the sea. His orders were, as far as possible, to intercept communication between Danzig and Weichselmunde.

On the night of the 1st to 2nd April, the first parallel was opened, to a length of 400 yards, on the crest of the Ziganckenberg, at a distance of 1600 yards from the enemy’s works of the Hagelsberg. The operation was completely covered from the defenders’ observation by a vigorous attack on the village of Aller, to the left. An attempt, next day, by the besieged to establish themselves in rear of the parallel, at Ziganckendorf, failed.

During the 2nd April, the parallel was completed, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the artillery of the Hagelsberg and Bischofsberg. During the following night the French advanced by zigzags from the parallel, and, at the same time, stormed the Kalk redoubt, on the bank of the river in front of the main works. Kalkreuth, however, in the early morning, recaptured this important fort, which for the present the French were unable to take again. On the 3rd April, the first parallel was extended farther to the left, and was supported by various works and batteries, whilst the advance from it was pushed forward. On the 9th, the first parallel of the false attack on the Bischofsberg was opened. The besieged, meanwhile, had been working at a counter approach against the left flank of the true attack, and it was necessary to put a stop to them. At 10 p.m., on the 10th, 500 French attempted an assault on the Prussian work, only 80 yards from the enceinte. Overwhelmed by its fire, they were driven off. Renewing the assault at 1 a.m., they succeeded in taking and destroying the work.

During the night of the 11th to 12th, the second parallel was commenced by flying sap. Next day, the batteries and redoubts commanding the river on the left were partially armed. A commencement of the bombardment of the city was made with two howitzers.

But the garrison was commanded by a man of great energy and activity. The works of counter approach were again taken in hand, the French were driven from them, and a new redoubt in front of the Hagelsberg was thrown up. Attacked by the Saxons, this new work was taken and retaken three times, finally remaining in the possession of the besiegers. The French works were still too distant to allow of their maintaining themselves in the counter approach. [14] They were not left undisturbed. On the 13th, so determined an assault was made upon the captured work that, not only were the Saxons ejected from it, but the head of the French trenches was gained, and, for a moment, they were in great peril. The situation was saved by Lefebvre, who, himself heading the 44th regiment, [15] fell, sword in hand, on the Prussians. Once more the tide of victory turned before this vigorous onslaught, supported by the now rallied Saxons. The Prussians were again forced from the redoubt, now strewn with the dead and wounded of this bitter conflict.

On the 14th April, the French second parallel was completed, and two redoubts to support it were begun. During the ensuing night, the works were pushed leftwards, and batteries were constructed to fire upon the Hagelsberg, and the extremity of the Schidlitz suburb.

Another important point was gained on the north bank of the Vistula by Gardanne, who established himself and constructed two works at the north entrance to the canal of Laake, thus interrupting communication by it. [16] On the 16th, a powerful sortie from Weichselmunde was directed on these works. Heavy fighting, lasting seven hours, ended in its repulse, when the works were resumed and completed. They had to be protected from the enemy’s fire from Weichselmunde in one direction, and the island of Holm in the other.

At this time, three separate attacks were in progress (1) the true attack on the Hagelsberg; (2) the false attack on the Bischofsberg; (3) another attack on the defender’s works on the Lower Vistula.

Using the flying sap, a movement forward from the second parallel was made on the 17th, and a place of arms was constructed on a plateau only 80 yards from the Hagelsberg front. The batteries and redoubts were completed, and their armament advanced. On the 17th, a work on the left bank of the river, designed to cross fire with Gardanne’s works on the right bank, was thrown up, and an English corvette, attempting to ascend the river, was forced to desist.

Whilst zigzags on the left of the second parallel were constructed, a great battery was commenced on the Stolzenberg, with a view to bringing a reverse and enfilading fire to bear on the Hagelsberg.

The 19th, 20th, and 21st April were days of rain and snow, which filled the French works, and stopped all progress. The whole of the 10th was spent in clearing the snow from the trenches. On the 21st, a second place of arms in front of the right of the parallel was constructed. [17]

The night of the 22nd-23rd was bright, and the French suffered heavily from the Prussian fire, as they pushed forward in the moonlight, by flying sap, from the right-hand place of arms. By the 24th, the French had 69 guns, howitzers, and mortars firing on the Hagelsberg and the city beyond it. The defenders replied with equal vivacity, but were overmatched. A summons to surrender was refused by Marshal Kalkreuth.

On the 23rd, the sapheads were overthrown by a small sortie. Another battery, against the Bischofsberg was constructed on the southern slope of the Stolzenberg. Artillery and ammunition were now arriving from Warsaw. [18]

The day of the 26th was one of heavy artillery fire on both sides. About 7 p.m., that of the Prussians suddenly ceased, a fact which aroused suspicions that they were about to attempt a sortie, to meet which preparations were made. These suspicions were justified by the event, for, about 10 p.m., the French advanced posts, rushing in, announced the issue of the enemy.

Six hundred Prussian troops, followed by 200 workmen, whose duty it was to destroy the works when captured, fell upon the head of the French trenches. Menard, prepared for the coming storm, met it with the bayonet in front, whilst detachments, which he had placed on his right and left, charged the Prussians in flank. The Prussian loss was heavy, and the sortie completely failed.

A truce of two hours, for the burial of those killed in this sortie, afforded the French an opportunity of surveying the ground in front of them, and selecting sites for new batteries.

On the Lower Vistula, the attack was pushed from the mouth of the Laake canal; the extremity of the Holm island was seized by Sabatier from the left bank of the Vistula, and defended by a channel cut across it from the canal to the river. Communication was thus established, in this direction, between the right and left banks by boat bridges across the river and the canal.

On the 25th, the third parallel in front of the Hagelsberg had been commenced, 40 yards from the covered way on the crest of the rising ground. On the 26th and 27th, it was continued, in the face of sorties on both days.

At to p.m., on the 28th, the garrison made a fresh sortie in force. [19] Their attack on the left of the third parallel was beaten off, the assailants being pursued to the covered way. A battalion of Prussian grenadiers on the other side was, at first, more successful in penetrating to the head of the trenches, where, however, they met the French reserves. Thrice was the attack renewed before the Prussians were compelled, with heavy loss, to seek again the shelter of their fortress.

On the 29th, the third parallel was extended right and left. On the 30th, the bombardment was continued, and Danzig was fired in several places, though the besieged replied with vigour.

During the night, notwithstanding the illumination by the defenders of the enemy’s works by means of fire balls, the communications between the second and third parallels were completed, and the French commenced to approach, by double sap, from two points in the third parallel, towards the capital of the ravelin.

On the earthworks of the place the French artillery was producing but little effect, and the destruction of the palisades became necessary before an assault could be ventured on.

The approaches progressed on the 2nd May, and next night they were united near the parallel. One more sortie against the works was beaten off. Early on the morning of the 4th, the Prussian artillery brought the saps to a standstill, until it was silenced by the batteries of the second parallel. On the 5th and 6th, the saps were continued, though constantly interrupted by the fire of the fortress. They reached to a distance of only 12 yards from the salient of the ravelin.

The Holm island was still held by the garrison, with the exception of the extremity captured on the 26th April. Until the French could get possession of it, they were unable to establish satisfactory batteries taking in reverse the works of the Hagelsberg. Chasseloup insisted on the necessity for seizing it; Lefebvre decided to do so on the night of the 6th-7th. Its garrison consisted of 150 men, 15 guns, a mortar, and a howitzer. [20]

The main attack was to be made by Drouet from the left bank of the Vistula, whilst Gardanne seconded him from the direction of the canal.

At 10 p.m., 12 boats, containing 300 men in all, pushed off from the left bank, followed shortly by a second detachment. Landing unperceived, the French stormed two redoubts, driving their defenders to the south end of the island. At the same time, the Kalk redoubt was attacked and taken. The enemy’s retreat was cut off by Gardanne, who had crossed the canal The second detachment, from the left bank, was equally successful in capturing a large redoubt. All the works on the island were seized in succession, the garrison being almost entirely destroyed or captured. Surrounded as they were, escape was scarcely possible.

The island was a most valuable prize; it was promptly fortified, and its guns turned against Danzig, the defences of which they took in reverse. A bridge of rafts joining it to the left bank, just below the angle of the river, was hurried on. [21] The flying bridge connecting Danzig with the island was gallantly cut adrift, by a miner named Jacquemart, under a heavy fire.

The works and palisades of the Hagelsberg were at last suffering severely from the heavy fire of the besiegers, and, on the 7th, the crowning of the covered way, opposite the salient of the ravelin, was successfully effected in the face of a storm of grape, which cost the French 100 men. The situation of the mines constructed by the besieged was discovered, and they were occupied.

The defenders of the covered way were forced, by the fire of two batteries, to evacuate the whole of that part of it, except a blockhouse in the re-entrant angle of the right face of the ravelin.

On the 8th, the left sap was advanced to the capital of the bastion.

Lefebvre was now for attempting an assault, for which the place was not yet ripe. [22] Reconnaissances soon satisfied him that this was so. Yet his works of approach had reached a stage when the early surrender of the fortress, unless relief reached it from outside, was a matter of certainty.

The state of affairs was known to Bennigsen, and he had resolved on a supreme effort to save the fortress by an expedition from the sea.

Napoleon, too, had inferred that this must come, and had made his arrangements accordingly. [23] For some days past the presence of Prussian vessels in the Frisches-Haff had been observed. Napoleon had constituted, for the purpose of combating any such attempt at relief, a new reserve corps, of which the command was given to Lannes. It consisted of the picked grenadier division of Oudinot, and of the division of Verdier: altogether, between 15,000 and 16,000 men.

This corps had been detailed for the assistance of Lefebvre, on the distinct understanding that it was to be used only against a relieving force, not for the ordinary work of the siege. [24] Mortier was also ordered to Danzig. [25] Lefebvre had desired Oudinot to send a brigade into the Nogat island from Marienberg, where the corps was assembled. He had also warned Schramm, on the Nehrung, to be on his guard.

On the 10th and 11th May, 57 transports, crowded with Russian troops, appeared off Weichselmunde. They were the relief force, under Kamenskoi, detached from the main army, and sent by sea from Pillau. On the whole, it seems improbable that Kamenskoi commanded more than 7000 or 8000 men, [26] including the garrisons of Weichselmunde and Neufahrwasser. He disembarked, on the 11th, at Neufahrwasser. He was, till he landed, unaware of the loss of the island of Holm, which seriously compromised his plans.

Lannes’ leading division (Oudinot) only arrived at Danzig on the 12th, as Kamenskoi landed. The besiegers were in imminent peril had Kamenskoi attacked promptly, before the arrival of the whole. Lefebvre’s address to his men shows that he felt his danger. “Comrades,” he said, “as long as we live, we will abandon nothing to the enemy; let every man defend his post to the death.”

But Kamenskoi was disturbed at finding the island gone, and he hesitated, wasting precious hours and days. The delay gave time for the French reinforcements to arrive, and for arrangements to be completed. With the reserve corps at hand, it was still not so easy for Lefebvre to decide on the best mode of employing it. To Kamenskoi, holding Weichselmunde and Neufahrwasser, with free communication between them across the river, two courses were open. Being safe behind the works, he could elect to act against Schramm in the Nehrung, or against the left flank of the French works on the left bank. In the latter case he could hope for the co-operation of the garrison from the Hagelsberg and Bischofsberg. This was the more promising scheme, as it was the more dangerous to Lefebvre. Attacked in front and flank, there was considerable risk of the besiegers on the left bank being rolled up from their left. If Schramm were attacked, he might be destroyed before he could be succoured; but he was well protected by works, and it was unlikely. It is true that the French had a bridge across the river near its bend; still, a disaster might occur to Lefebvre before Lannes, if he were on the Holm island, could cross. It was decided to keep him on the left bank, whence, if the storm burst on the Nehrung, he might be able to pass in time.

Kamenskoi wasted four days, concerting measures by signal from Weichselmunde, keeping his troops in Neufahrwasser. On the 13th, the besieged force increased the vigour of their fire on the works of approach; a sortie, in the evening, penetrated into the head of the sap before it was repulsed.

Work was continued on the 14th by the French against the bastion on their left, but the difficulties were great. A mine was also started against the blockhouse in the reentrant angle of the covered way. At last, at 4 a.m. on the 15th May, Kamenskoi issued from Weichselmunde against Schramm and Gardanne, whose troops were drawn up about the redoubts facing Weichselmunde.

The Russian movement was made in four columns:—

1st:  6 battalions, 1 squadron, 200 cossacks, and 4 guns, on the left, along the seashore against the wood.

2nd:  5 battalions against the work at the head of the wood, in the centre.

3rd:  6 battalions, 120 cossacks, 4 guns along the Vistula, on the right.

4th:  4 battalions, 100 cossacks, 6 guns, in reserve in front of the fort.

At the same time, a demonstration with a few hundred men was made, on the opposite bank, by the Neufahrwasser garrison.

In Danzig, 1000 men were ready to cross to the Holm island when it should be attacked from Weichselmunde. The English ships were to endeavour to assist in the river.

On the other side, Schramm had, on his right, the 2nd light infantry; in the centre, a Saxon infantry brigade; on the left, towards the canal, his Polish infantry; in reserve, the Paris infantry regiment.

The first assault was on Schramm’s left and centre, about 5 a.m. Seeing them yielding ground, Lefebvre sent over a battalion to his aid. Four times did the Russians attack; on the last occasion they were nearly successful. As they retired, the battle was restored by the use of the reserve.

At this moment, Lannes and Oudinot arrived with the first column of the reserve corps; the engagement became very hot and sanguinary. Oudinot’s horse was killed, and, falling against Lannes, the latter also was unhorsed. The two generals continued the fight on foot.

The Russians were now overmatched, and were presently driven back upon Weichselmunde, with a loss of over 1500 killed and wounded. The French lost about equally. [27]

Kalhreuth had not supported Kamenskoi by a sortie against the works, but had contented himself with a heavy bombardment. He asserted that he was prepared for an attack on the island, when Kamenskoi’s advance collapsed, and rendered it useless: [28]

To support the sortie from Weichselmunde, Bulow, with 4 battalions, 2 companies of artillery, and 100 cavalry, sailed on the Frisches-Haff from Pillau. He was late, and Kamenskoi was already defeated when he landed and came upon Schramm’s outposts at Kalberg. They fell back on Furstenwerder, whilst the Prussians marched along the south side of the Nehrung to the western extremity of the Haff. Against them, from Furstenwerder, there came the battalion of Oudinot’s grenadiers in the Nogat island, with Beaumont’s dragoons. [29] Meeting Bulow, they defeated him, and drove him, with heavy loss, 25 miles along the Nehrung.

The attempt to relieve Danzig had failed disastrously, owing largely, as it would appear, to Kamenskoi’s delay, as well as to the insufficiency of his force. It was not renewed. The Russians remained in their entrenchments at the mouth of the river.

The besiegers’ works against the Hagelsberg had suffered no interruption. On the evening of the 16th, the mine under the blockhouse was fired, but without completely destroying it, though it was much damaged. A fresh mine was commenced from the crater formed, and was continued on the 17th. A small sortie, in the evening, resulted in the spiking of a French howitzer opposite the salient of the bastion, but it was unspiked after the sortie had been repulsed.

On the 18th, 19th, and 20th, a covered descent into the ditch was worked, and endeavours were made, without much success, to destroy the enormous palisades in the ditch. [30]

On the 19th, an English corvette, trying to ascend the river, grounded, and was captured. [31] The guns of the fortress were still firing with considerable effect on the works of approach.

Kalkreuth’s last sortie was made on the night of the 20th. After succeeding in destroying the work of the preceding day, it was finally driven back with the aid of reinforcements.

On the 21st, Mortier joined Lefebvre with all his corps, except what he had left in front of Colberg. In the night of the 21st, Vallet, a private of the 12th infantry of the line, ventured on a gallant enterprise. On the crest of the breach, in front of the covered descent of the ditch, the Prussians had arranged three great beams, retained by ropes, ready to be rolled down on the assailants issuing from the descent. Vallet alone climbed the breach to cut the cords. He succeeded, though wounded, in his desperate business. The beams rolled into the ditch, and, under the constant fire from the French guns, it was impossible to replace them.

The Hagelsberg was now, or very shortly would be, in a condition to warrant an assault, which was ordered by Lefebvre [32] at Napoleon’s instance. Before delivering it, he sent a final summons to Kalkreuth. That officer had made a resistance distinguished by that activity which is essential to every able defence of a fortress, and he now consented to open negotiations.

He declined to treat for the surrender of Neufahrwasser and Weichselmunde, pointing out that, separated as he was from them, he could not control their garrisons.

If he was in a position which compelled him to desire a capitulation on honourable terms, Napoleon was still more inclined to grant them. [33] The summer was now commencing, and the Emperor was anxious to reopen the campaign, which he dared not do with Danzig still holding out in his rear. He wanted, too, the troops besieging it.

After three days of negotiation, the terms of surrender were fixed. The garrison was to march out with all the honours of war, with drums beating, matches lighted, and standards flying, taking two light guns with them. They were to be conducted to the Prussian outposts before Pillau. On the other hand, they engaged not to fight against the French and their allies for a year.

The actual surrender was arranged for the 26th May, on the formal condition that the place was not relieved from outside before then. At noon on that day, the western works were handed over to the French. Next day the garrison marched off along the Nehrung for Pillau, whilst Lefebvre made his formal entry into Danzig. [34]

Kamenskoi had set sail from Weichselmunde, and, shortly after, the garrison of the fort surrendered.

Thus ended this memorable siege, the conduct of which was shortly afterwards acknowledged by the conferment on Lefebvre of the Dukedom of Danzig. [35] The defence had redounded to the credit of Kalkreuth and his garrison, who, contesting almost every inch of the besiegers’ progress, had held out over seven weeks against open trenches.

The one blot on the defence would appear to be the failure to support, by sorties, Kamenskoi’s relieving force.

The siege is a typical example of the regular approach of a bastioned front with dry ditches; for water, of course, was not available for those of the outer line of works.

The besiegers, too, had many difficulties to contend against; they were, at first, in inferior force, both in men and guns; the perimeter to be guarded was great; there was no proper plan of the defences; the ground on the front of attack was difficult to reconnoitre in advance of the siege works.

The island of Holm was all-important to them, as enabling fire to bear on the reverse of the front of attack. The desirability of its early capture is admitted by Kirgener, the French engineer, [36] but he points out the difficulties of an attack on it, so long as the garrison held the Kalk redoubt, so often taken and retaken, on Lefebvre’s left. It was fortunate for the French that they held that island when Kamenskoi fell upon Schramm in the Nehrung. Without it, and the bridge uniting it to the left bank of the Vistula, his relief by Lannes and Oudinot would scarcely have been possible. The capture of Neufahrwasser and Weichselmunde, thus separating Danzig from the sea, was also very desirable. Kirgener, however, points out that all the artillery available was required at the Hagelsberg, and they could only be taken with the aid of siege guns. He also discusses fully the respective merits of an attack on the Hagelsberg and on the Bischofsberg. [37] The reasons in favour of the former are technical, and apparently forcible.

From famine or shortness of supplies or ammunition the garrison had never suffered. Enormous quantities of stores of every description remained in the place, and were of the utmost service to the French. Whether Kalkreuth should not have held out longer is a moot point. The Hagelsberg would probably have been stormed with great slaughter on both sides. It was only an outer defence it is true, but it commanded Danzig, and the main fortress could hardly hope to hold out long against a bombardment from it. Kalkreuth had nothing to hope for from a fresh effort by Kamenskoi to relieve him, nor had he any grounds for believing that Bennigsen would himself be able to do much. On the other hand, the terms offered by Napoleon were such as to indicate his extreme anxiety to terminate the siege which, so long as it lasted, forbade his advance against Bennigsen. Kalkreuth had hardly sufficient grounds for assuming that even a few days’ prolongation of the defence would not prove of immense service to the main army, if only in detaining the besieging corps from joining Napoleon’s advance. Such considerations tend to throw doubt on the question of whether Kalkreuth did all that was possible.
 

[1]  This account is based on that of Dumas (xviii. pp. 123-198), of Kirgener, Director of Attacks (Précis du siège de Dantzich, Paris, 1807), and of Hœpfner (iii., pp. 335-529). [Back to paragraph text]

[2]  Corr. 11,826, to Lefebvre, directing him to invest Danzig, and remarking that Menard’s French division should now be at hand, that the Saxons were at Posen, and the Poles long ago ready. [Back to paragraph text]

[3]  “As compared with the Hagelsberg, the front of the Bischofsberg was broader and the trace better. The Hagelsberg ditches, on the other hand, were deeper. The two works and their continuations formed a continuous connected line; once the last palisade at any point was passed, the besieger would command the whole line. The weakest point was between the Hagelsberg and the river, but an attack on that was flanked by the Kalk redoubt. There the ground was level and open. In front both of the Hagelsberg and the Bischofsberg it was broken, hilly, and difficult for works of approach.
     “In conclusion, if the Bischofsberg and the Hagelsberg fronts had both abutted on a plain, the former would have been the stronger. The nature of the ground in front reversed their value. The besieged, perceiving this, continued to occupy the orchards and suburbs before the Bischofsberg, until the besieger was irretrievably committed, by the progress of his works, to the attack of the Hagelsberg” (Kirgener, concluding observations, pp. 38-47). [Back to paragraph text]

[4]  The commanding engineers of the attack and defence were respectively Chasseloup de Laubat, and Bousmard, both famous in the annals of fortification, and each the inventor of a new system. The two systems were alike in their use of ravelins advanced beyond the glacis; but neither of the fronts attacked at Danzig was traced in this manner. These two famous engineers directed the operations of attack and defence, and, as is natural, the contest between two such representative men is full of interest.
     Lefebvre knew nothing whatever of military engineering, and was ordered to act entirely on Chasseloup’s opinion in technical matters. Chasseloup, who had other work on hand, was ably represented in the details of the siege by Kirgener, who was constantly on the spot. [Back to paragraph text]

[5]  Hœpfner, iii. 371-380. [Back to paragraph text]

[6]  Ibid., iii. 382-384. [Back to paragraph text]

[7]  Dumas, xviii. 144. See following note. [Back to paragraph text]

[8]  Napoleon, on the 4th March, wrote to Lefebvre that there were only 8000 young troops in Danzig, against 18,000 with him (Corr. 11,921).
     Again, on the 29th, he says Lefebvre has plenty of troops. There are no good troops in Danzig, and, even if there were, Lefebvre’s are their equals (Corr. 12,213). [Back to paragraph text]

[9]  Corr. 12,062, dated 7th March. [Back to paragraph text]

[10]  Corr. 11,162, dated 6th March. [Back to paragraph text]

[11]  Corr. 12,012, dared 12th March. [Back to paragraph text]

[12]  Napoleon was, so early as the 31st March, urging expedition in the siege on Lefebvre (Corr. 12,245).
     On the previous day, he had appointed, to command the artillery of the siege, Lariboisière, a trusted officer (Corr. 12,234, dated 30th March). [Back to paragraph text]

[13]  For reasons as to the best point of attack, see note ante, p. 244 (note 4 in this electronic presentation). [Back to paragraph text]

[14]  Kirgener, p. 3. [Back to paragraph text]

[15]  This regiment had been at Eylau, part of Augereau’s unfortunate corps. It was next to the 14th in the fatal attack, and appears to have lost its eagle. There is, in the Archives Historiques, a long correspondence between the two regiments as to which it was that had lost its eagle. The decision was in favour of the 14th, whose eagle was saved by Marbot, according to his own account. In glancing over this correspondence, the author did not observe any mention of Marbot’s exploit. [Back to paragraph text]

[16]  These two redoubts were about 600 yards apart, on the right bank of the canal, and were, on the 17th, connected by a double parapet (Dumas, xviii. p. 154). [Back to paragraph text]

[17]  Kirgener, p. 8. [Back to paragraph text]

[18]  Napoleon, writing to his brother Joseph, on the 24th April, mentions that he has 80 pieces of artillery before Danzig, of which 60 were siege guns. He also indirectly estimates the garrison at 18,000, and the besieging corps at 25,000 (Corr. 12,469). [Back to paragraph text]

[19]  2000 men, according to Kirgener (p. 13). [Back to paragraph text]

[20]  Hœpfner, iii. 466.
     Dumas gives only 1000 men besides artillery. He says there were as many howitzers and mortars as guns, but, as only 17 pieces were captured, this seems to be a mistake (Dumas, xviii. 167). The numbers in the text are given by Hœpfner (iii. 446). [Back to paragraph text]

[21]  Kirgener (p. 18) summarises the advantages of the capture of the island and the Kalk redoubt as: (a) the improved reverse fire which was possible from the island; (b) the saving of the necessity far numerous traverses in the trenches to protect the workers from the enfilading fire from the Kalk redoubt. [Back to paragraph text]

[22]  This was Napoleon’s opinion on the 5th May, when he sent Bertrand to Danzig to inspect the works and bring a personal report (Corr. 12,534).
     Lefebvre, on the 9th, gave notice to his commanders of his intention to assault (Kirgener, p. 29). It was suspended next day. [Back to paragraph text]

[23]  So early as the 23rd April he warns Lefebvre to be on his guard against a descent from the Frisches-Haff, which the enemy commands (Corr. 12,458).
     On the 11th May he again writes, indicating the probability of an attempt to relieve the fortress from the sea, but saps he sees no movement in his own front, such as might be expected (Corr. 12,572). [Back to paragraph text]

[24]  Corr. 12,536, dated 5th May, to Berthier, orders the formation of the corps from Oudinot’s and Verdier’s divisions. The Emperor hopes, by the end of May, to raise its strength to 20,000 by the addition of an Italian division.
     In Corr. 12,572, dated 11th May, Napoleon tells Lefebvre that Oudinot is available at Marienburg, but is not under Lefebvre’s orders.
     In a letter from Berthier of the same date, Lefebvre is censured for having ordered up Oudinot; and it is remarked that the Emperor does not believe that more than a diversion with a small force will be attempted by the Nehrung. The great effort he expected from the sea. (Printed, Dumas, xix. 288.) [Back to paragraph text]

[25]  Berthier to Mortier, Dumas, xix. 288, dated 12th May. On the same date Oudinot is ordered to Danzig, but to leave a battalion at Furstenwerder to construct a bridge (Berthier to Lannes, Dumas, xix. 287).
    On the 14th, Napoleon writes to Lefebvre that Lannes is only to be used against a relieving force from the sea (Corr. 12,881). [Back to paragraph text]

[26]  Dumas (xviii. 174) puts the number as high as 11,000 to 15,000, but seems uncertain.
     Kirgener (p. 25) only estimates his force at 7000 or 8000.
     Hœpfner (iii. 483) gives 6600. [Back to paragraph text]

[27]  Hœpfner, iii. 486. He says that the loss (1530) was equal to about one-fourth of Kamenskoi’s force. [Back to paragraph text]

[28]  Hœpfner, iii. 487. [Back to paragraph text]

[29]  In Berthier’s letter to Lannes, of the 12th May (Dumas, xix. 287), he is ordered to leave at Furstenwerder the battalion of grenadiers which had been sent there to construct a bridge and guard the crossing. All the correspondence, about this date, from Berthier, insists that any movement from Pillau along the Nehrung can be nothing but a diversion, and that the real relieving force will come by sea. (See despatches from Berthier to Lefebvre on the 11th, and to Lannes on the 12th, Dumas, xix. 284-288.) [Back to paragraph text]

[30]  The Hagelsberg ditch was found to be 27 feet deep, and the slope of the breach in the left face of the bastion was very steep. Endeavours to make it less so were made from the covered descent (Kirgener, p. 28).
     The covered descent was made with gabions on either side, roofed in with fascines and earth. [Back to paragraph text]

[31]  The plan at the end of Kirgener’s work shows the scene of this event at a point about halfway between the angle of the river and the northern extremity of the Holm island. [Back to paragraph text]

[32]  Napoleon, at last, thought the time for assault had arrived, and that more men were being lost in the daily bombardments and sorties than would fall in a storm (Berthier to Lefebvre, 13th May, Dumas, xix. 298). [Back to paragraph text]

[33]  Corr. 12,629, dated 22nd May, to Lefebvre. The Emperor grudges the loss of the garrison, whom he estimates at 10,000 or 12,000, as prisoners of war; but has clearly weighed with care the considerations in favour of obtaining an immediate surrender. He lays down the terms to he granted, which are practically those accepted by the governor of Danzig. The Emperor still thought it might take another 15 days to compel an unconditional surrender. [Back to paragraph text]

[34]  The number that marched out is given by Hœpfner (iii. 523) as 335 officers, 12,448 men, 1275 horses. This takes no account of the garrisons of Weichselmunde  and Neufahrwasser. [Back to paragraph text]

[35]  Corr. 12,666, dated 28th May, being Napoleon’s message to the Senate regarding the creation of a new order of nobility. [Back to paragraph text]

[36]  See Kirgener’s conclusions, quoted in Dumas, xviii. 191, etc. They are at pp. 38-47 of Kirgener’s précis. [Back to paragraph text]

[37]  Vide supra, p. 244, note. [Back to paragraph text]