6th. The more I study, in my leisure moments, the hopeless defects in the army service, the more I am convinced something must be done quickly. Everything is bought and sold. The army consumes five times as much as is necessary. The leading actresses of Italy are kept by the employés of the French army; extravagance, immorality, and graft have reached their limit. There is only one remedy,—a judicial body that can sentence any army administrator to be shot. Marshal Berwick hanged his commissary because his army was short of food; and we, we are often short. It is not that I am weak; I have employés arrested every day, but nobody backs me up.

12th, Roverbella:
Orders for the reserve cavalry to march to-night to Legnago, and for General Masséna to be ready to move to-night so as to check the enemy’s possible plan of crossing the Adige. General Joubert, who has 10,000 men with him, is undisturbed; in any case, even if he were beaten while we are at Legnago, we should still have time.

13th, 9 a. m., Verona:
(To General Joubert, at Rivoli.) Let me know as soon as you can if the enemy in front of you number more than 9000 men. It is very important I should be able to judge whether it is a minor movement, meant to deceive us. The enemy show about 6000 men in the direction of Verona.

3 p. m.:
The enemy’s movement is unmasked; his forces are moving on Rivoli.

Night:
General Joubert having concentrated to defend the plateau of Rivoli, the general-in-chief is moving the greater part of Masséna’s division to support him.

17th, Roverbella:
(To the Directoire.) On the 14th we won the battle of Rivoli. We captured 13,000 prisoners, several flags, and some guns. On the 14th General Augereau, attacked the enemy at Anghiari. He captured 2000 prisoners and 16 guns; but in the night the enemy got away towards Mantua. Augereau got within cannon-shot, attacked St. George, but failed to carry it. I arrived in the night with reinforcements, which led to the battle of La Favorita, from which battlefield I am writing. The results of this battle are 7000 prisoners. So here, in three or four days, is the fifth army of the Emperor destroyed.

18th, Verona:

I reached Rivoli (on the 14th) at 2 a. m. I immediately ordered the important position of San Marco to be reoccupied; and lined the plateau of Rivoli with artillery. At daybreak the fighting was fast and furious. Joubert with the 33d supported his light infantry. Alvintzy didn’t suspect that I had arrived in the night. Our left was briskly attacked, it fell back, and the enemy pushed in on our centre. The 14th held them up with great pluck.

On the 16th brave General Provera asked to surrender. The army of the Republic has therefore in the space of four days made nearly 25,000 prisoners, taken 20 flags, 60 guns, and killed or wounded at least 6000 men. All our demi-brigades covered themselves with glory. It is said that the Roman legions could march 24 miles a day; our brigades cover thirty, and do some fighting in between times.

19th. A regiment is never destroyed by the enemy, sir; it is immortalized!

20th. (To the Directoire.) I move 5000 men over the Po to-morrow, who will march straight on Rome. I send you 11 flags taken from the enemy in the battles of Rivoli and La Favorita. Bessières, who will hand them to you, is a brave and distinguished officer.

22d. (To Cacault, at Rome.) Citoyen Ministre: Pray leave Rome six hours after receiving this letter. They have made you stand endless humiliations; now you can leave.

(To Cardinal Mattei.) The words of peace with which I sent you to the Holy Father have been stifled. It is time the curtain fell on this ridiculous comedy. Whatever happens, the Holy Father may stay in Rome in full security. As chief priest of religion he is assured of protection, both for himself and his church. I shall see that no attempt is made to touch the religion of our fathers.

28th. Nothing new at Mantua. On the 3d we shall  open with shell.

The weather is horrible,—rain in buckets for 48 hours.

February 1st, Bologna:

The armistice has been broken by the Roman government; I therefore declare that the armistice of the 2d of Messidor is at an end.

The French army is entering Papal territory; it will be true to its principles and will protect religion and the people.

2d. Capitulation of Mantua.

3d, Faenza:
I have made a point of displaying French generosity towards Wurmser, a general 70 years of age who has been very unfortunate. Besieged in Mantua, he made two or three sorties; they were all unlucky; he led them all in person.

4th, Forli:
Soldiers of Victor’s division, I am not pleased with you! The only glory you can reap in our present expedition is that which comes of good conduct. I therefore order: every soldier convicted of any injury to persons or property of the conquered shall be shot at the head of his battalion.

10th, Ancona:
(To Josephine.) We have been at Ancona these last two days. I have never been so bored as by this sorry campaign.

15th, Macerata:
(To the Directoire.) Ancona is a very good port, within 24 hours of Macedonia and ten days of Constantinople.

We must keep Ancona when peace is made, and maintain it under the French flag; it will give us a hold on Turkey.

The treasure of Loretto amounted to three millions francs. They left about one million behind. I am sending you in addition the Madonna and all the relics. The Madonna is made of wood.

Our troops will reach Foligno to-night. Here is what I expect to do: I will grant the Pope peace provided he cedes Bolona, Ferrara, Urbino, and Ancona, and that he pays us three millions for the treasure of Loretto and fifteen millions that he owed us on the armistice treaty. If he doesn’t accept, I shall go for Rome.

16th. (To Josephine.) You are sad; you are ill; you have stopped writing; you want to go to Paris. Do you love your friend no longer? This thought makes me wretched. Sweet friend, life has become unbearable since hearing that you are sad.

Perhaps I can get a peace with the Pope soon, and be back at your side; it is my most ardent wish.

A hundred kisses. Nothing equals my love save my anxiety.

17th, Tolentino:
The army is within three days’ march of Rome; I am negotiating with the gang of priests; doubtless St. Peter will once more save the capitol!

18th. I hear from Venice that Prince Charles has reached Trieste, and that the Austrians are everywhere in motion.

19th. (To the Directoire.) Herewith the treaty of peace which has just been signed between the French Republic and the Pope. I start to-night for Mantua. We shall soon be across the Piave.

March 6th, Mantua:
(To the Directoire.) When you receive this letter we shall be in active operations again. A ten days’ armistice has been proposed to me, which I have declined.

The Pope has ratified the treaty of peace concluded at Tolentino. Our situation in Italy appears very satisfactory. This is not yet the moment for carrying out your instructions as to Venice.

10th, Bassano:
Soldiers of the army of Italy! The capture of Mantua gives you an eternal claim to the gratitude of our country. You have been victorious in fourteen pitched battles and seventy engagements; you have captured more than 100,000 prisoners and 2500 guns; you have fed, supplied, and paid the army; you have remitted 30 millions to the Public Treasury. You have enriched the Museum of Paris with three hundred objects, the products of 30 centuries.

But your work is not complete. A great destiny is yours: the country reposes in you its dearest hopes. Of all our foes the Emperor alone still faces us; he has accepted the wages of the merchants of London; his policy has become that of those perfidious islanders who, immune from the dangers of war, laugh at the woes of the continent.

The Directoire has made every effort to restore peace to Europe. But Vienna has turned a deaf ear. The house of Austria, which for three centuries past has lost in every war some portion of its power, will be reduced at the close of this sixth campaign to accept the peace it shall please us to grant, and will fall to the rank of the lesser powers, which it already touched when it accepted the salary of England.

11th. Our advance guard reached Felke yesterday, but found no enemy.

13th, Conegliano:
We are over the Piave. The enemy is retreating and is apparently taking position behind the Tagliamento.

16th, 11.30 p.m., Valvasone:
This morning we reached the Tagliamento, and found Prince Charles with 16,000 men in line. Serrurier and Bernadotte forced their way over. We captured 8 guns.

17th. The passage of the Tagliamento is auspicious; but the further I advance into Germany, the more troops will be accumulated against me. I can’t do everything with 50,000 men.

20th, Palmanova:
We have forced the line of the Isonzo.

21st, Goritz:
Write to Boudet to approve placing on the flag of the 57th demi-brigade: “The terrible 57th demi-brigade, that nothing can stop.”

It is easy enough to say to a general, go to Italy, win battles, and sign peace at Vienna. But the doing of it is not so easy. I have never paid the least attention to the plans sent to me by the Directoire. Only fools could take stock in such rubbish. As to Berthier, you see what he is: he’s an ass! Well, he it is who does everything, he it is who reaps a large share of the glory of the army of Italy!

22d. In a week I may reach Klagenfurt, fifteen post-houses from Vienna. If the Rhine is not crossed soon, we shall be unable to maintain ourselves.

25th. Are we over the Rhine yet? My movement has got to be unmasked, and the enemy will at once realize the danger. They will withdraw everything from the Rhine to concentrate on me.

28th, Villach:
The demi-brigades are expressly forbidden to carry with them more women than the laundresses the law provides for. Every woman found with the army and not duly authorized shall be publicly whipped.

31st, Klagenfurt:
(To the Archduke Charles.) Brave soldiers wage war, but hope for peace. Has not this one now lasted six years? Have we not killed enough people? Europe, which had taken up arms against the French Republic, has laid them down. Is there no hope, then, of coming to terms, and must we continue to cut each other’s throats?

If the overture I have the honour of making can save the life of one single individual, I shall be more proud of the civic crown I should earn than of the sad glory that comes of military success.

April 1st. I have sent off the letter to Prince Charles Should his reply be favourable, and the Court of Vienna be inclined for peace, I shall take it on myself to sign a convention. With 20,000 men more, I would have carried the army through to Vienna almost posthaste.

3d, Friesach:
Prince Charles is drawing in all the troops he can to cover Vienna.

Masséna and Guieu are pursuing the enemy on the Mür. Yesterday we made 600 prisoners, and killed and wounded a number of their rear guard, which Prince Charles commanded in person.

4th, Scheifling:
Masséna’s division will advance along the road to Leoben.

5th, Judenburg:
The enemy appear to be retreating more hastily. Prince Charles has sent in a staff officer to ask for a suspension of hostilities for four hours,—an absolutely inadmissible proposal.

7th, morning:
(To Generals Merveldt and Bellegarde.) In the present situation of the two armies a suspension of hostilities is all against the interests of the French army; but if it is intended as a step towards the peace that is so needed by both peoples, I readily accede to your wishes.

6 p. m.:
Order for General Masséna to start with his whole division for Leoben, which he is to occupy.

Midnight :
An armistice is agreed on until the 13th of April.

8th, Judenburg:
(To the Directoire.) You will find herewith the note handed me by Generals Merveldt and Bellegarde. I have told them that the condition preliminary to a treaty of peace is the cession of all territory to the Rhine. They asked for an explanation as to Italy, but I declined. We are here about 20 leagues from Vienna; the army of Italy is therefore isolated and exposed. Our armies have not yet crossed the Rhine.

Everything leads me to think we have reached the moment for concluding peace, and we must do so. If, contrary to my expectations, the negotiations went off, I should be very embarrassed as to what to do next.

9th. All goes well.
(To the Most Serene Doge of Venice.) All the Venetian mainland is in arms. The watchword of the peasants you have armed is: “Death to the French!” Is it your belief that because I am in the centre of Germany I am unable to compel due respect for the greatest Power in the world? Do you think the legions of Italy will quietly submit to the massacres you have stirred up? The blood of my comrades shall be avenged. I send you this letter by my first aide-de-camp. War or peace! We are not living in the days of Charles VIII!

(This) letter is for Junot to take to Venice, and to get answere d within 24 hours. It would be dangerous to give time for the Venetian troops to assemble.

16th, Leoben:
(To the Directoire.) I am sending you by Adjutant-General Leclerc this dispatch on the negotiations. Pray send him back at once. All the officers I send to Paris stay there too long; they spend their money, and kill themselves with fast living.

General Merveldt and Count di Gallo are great sticklers for etiquette; they always want to put the Emperor before the Republic; I have declined flatly.

We have reached the matter of recognition. I told them the Republic did not want to be recognised; it is in Europe what the sun is on the horizon; those who can’t see it must take their chances.

On the 15th M. di Gallo came to see me at eight in the morning: he said he desired to have some spot neutralized so that we could continue our negotiations in correct form. We selected a garden with a summer-house in the middle; we have declared the place neutral, a farce which I took part in to soothe the childish vanity of these people. This so-called neutral spot is in the midst of the bivouacs of our divisions.

When one wants to open a campaign there is nothing can stand as an obstacle, and a river has never been a real obstacle. If Moreau wants to cross the Rhine, he will cross; if he had already crossed it, we could dictate our conditions of peace imperiously; but the man who fears for his reputation is certain to lose it. I have crossed the Julian Alps over three feet of ice; I have carried my artillery through places where never a cart has passed. Had I thought only of the repose of my army and my private interests, I should have stopped on the banks of the Isonzo; I threw myself into Germany to disengage the army of the Rhine. I am at the gates of Vienna, and its haughty court has sent its plenipotentiaries to my headquarters.

18th, Castle of Eggenwald:
His Majesty the Emperor and the Directoire have concluded peace preliminaries.

19th. (To the Directoire.) I expect to send you within three days, by General Masséna, the Emperor’s ratification. I shall quarter the army in Venetia. As for myself, I ask for rest. I have justified the trust you confided in me. I have accounted myself as nothing in all I have done; and now I have thrown myself on Vienna, having won more glory than should make me happy, and with the splendid plains of Italy behind me, just as I began the previous campaign by seeking bread for an army which the Republic could no longer feed. I insist, therefore, that together with the ratification of the peace preliminaries you should send me leave to return to France.

30th, Trieste:
The conduct of the Venetians gets each day worse and worse; we are really in a state of war. The Senate has sent me a deputation; I treated it as it deserved. I told them to drive out the English minister; to hand us twenty millions, and all merchandise belonging to the English.

May 3d, Palmanova:
I can see no other course than to obliterate the Venetian name from the earth.

13th, Milan:
Order to General Baraguay d’Hilliers to enter Venice and seize all military positions.

14th. I have just received from the Directoire the ratification of the peace preliminaries.

The citizens of Venice are under the protection of the French Republic.

I am organizing the Cisalpine Republic; I have four committees working hard at framing the Constitution.

(To the national guards of the Cisalpine Republic.) Yours is the task, brave comrades, of consolidating the liberty of your country.

It is the soldier who founds republics, it is the soldier who maintains them. Without armies, without force, without discipline, neither political independence nor civil liberty can exist.

15th. Heavens! how scarce men are! There are in Italy 18 millions of men, and I can barely find two, Dandolo and Melzi!

20th, Mombello:
General Baraguay d’Hilliers has occupied Venice.

June 30th. (To the Directoire.) I have this moment received (a copy of) Dumolard’s resolution. This motion, which the Assembly has ordered to be printed, is directed against me. I had a right, after concluding five treaties of peace, and after dealing the last blow to the Coalition, to expect, if not a civic triumph, yet at least to be left in peace; but I see myself denounced, persecuted, hounded down by every means, I whose reputation is part of that of my country!

After having earned a decree that I had deserved well of my country, I should not have been subjected to such absurd and atrocious accusations. I repeat the demand I have already made to retire. I want to live in peace, if the daggers of Clichy spare me.

I understand why Bonaparte is accused; it’s for concluding peace. But I warn you, I speak in the name of 80,000 men; the time when cowardly lawyers and low chatterers could send soldiers to the guillotine has passed, and if you drive them to it, the soldiers of Italy will march to the Clichy gate with their general: but, if they do, look out for yourselves!

The general-in-chief appoints citoyen Eugène Beauharnais supernumerary sub-lieutenant in the 1st hussars, and his aide-de-camp. This young and talented citizen is the son of General Beauharnais, whose loss will long be mourned by his country.

July 4th. I am receiving so many letters from all parts of the Republic that I cannot answer them all. The esteem of his fellow citizens is the only worthy reward for the services rendered by a soldier to his country.

14th, Milan:
Soldiers! I know that you feel deeply the misfortunes that threaten our country; but it will not run any real danger. Mountains lie between us and France; you would surmount them as rapidly as the eagle, to maintain the Constitution, to defend liberty, to protect the government and all republicans.

Soldiers, dismiss all uneasiness, and let us swear on our new standards: Eternal war on the enemies of the Republic and of the Constitution!

17th. The Emperor is trying to gain time. What is his motive? It is difficult to imagine, unless it lies in the direction of the Clichy Club, and the return of the royalists. What is the use of our constant victories? The blood we have shed for the country is made useless by internal factions.

23d. Without question the Court of Vienna hopes everything from time, and expects to make a useful diversion in favour of England.

27th. (To the Directoire.) General Augereau has asked leave to proceed to Paris, where he has business to attend to. He will inform you verbally of the absolute devotion of the soldiers of Italy to the Constitution and to the Directoire.

28th. The tone of the notes handed to the French plenipotentiaries, the protests, the extraordinary demands they contain, the movements of Austrian troops, every-thing, in a word, points to war.

29th. There is much dissension between the Council of Five Hundred and the Directoire.

It appears that Hoche is about to embark for Ireland.

August 1st. The agitation in Paris continues; the gentlemen are divided among themselves. The army of Sambre et Meuse has declared itself vigorously. General Desaix is here; he assures me that the army of the Rhine is at one with the army of Italy. General Serrurier has just arrived; he is indignant at the royalist agitation.

16th. The Emperor is apparently concentrating all his forces on Italy. The large number of recruits, together with the prisoners we have sent back, will enable him to place a formidable army in line against me.

The time is fast coming when we shall realize that really to destroy England we must seize Egypt.

General Augereau has been appointed to command the 17th (Paris) military division.

28th. (To citoyenne Marie Dauranne, laundress of the 51st of the line.) Worthy citoyenne: The general-in-chief, in making public your civic and courageous deed at the crossing of the Piave, in saving at the risk of your own life one of our brave companions in arms, has awarded you a civic crown. You will find engraved on it the record of a deed that honours not you only but your sex; you may add to it your own name, and that of the brave man whose life you saved, but whose name we do not know.

September 4th. Revolution of Fructidor; Barras and Augereau.

6th. (To the Minister of Foreign Affairs.) It would be impossible to carry on so weighty a discussion with more timid negotiators, worse logicians, or men less influential with their own court. When they have said: Those are our instructions,—they have done their utmost. I said to them: If your instructions stated that it is now actually night-time, would you ask us to accept it?—Yesterday they proposed that we should give them Romagna, Mantua, and the Venetian state. I asked them how many miles from Paris their army was, and I got vigorously angry at the impertinence of such proposals.

In private conversation I told them that I would give them my opinion confidentially,—to them, because they knew better than outsiders that I was not given to gas-conading,—and that it was that two weeks after the campaign opened I should be very close to Vienna.

7th. The army is warned to be ready to move on the 24th.

8th. The plenipotentiaries continue willing nilling, saying unsaying,—somewhat disconcerted by my measures. I have moved Dumas’ cavalry forward.

12th. (To the Directoire.) Herewith you will find my proclamation to the army announcing the events of the 18th of Fructidor. You may reckon that here are 100,000 men who can by their own effort safeguard the measures you have taken to place liberty on solid foundations.

13th. Why not seize the island of Malta? If, when we conclude peace with England, we have to give up the Cape of Good Hope, we should take Egypt.

16th. (To the sailors of Admiral Bruey’s fleet.) Comrades: As soon as we have pacified the continent, we will join you in conquering the liberty of the seas. We will recall the horrid spectacle of Toulon in ashes, and victory will attend our efforts. Without you we could only carry the glory of the French name to a small part of the continent; with you, we will cross the seas and our national glory shall be witnessed by the most distant shores.

19th. Notwithstanding our pride, our thousand and one pamphlets, our endless speechifyings, we are very ignorant in political and social science. We have not yet defined what we mean by the executive, legislative, and judicial powers. Montesquieu’s definitions are false.

In fifty years I can see but one thing that we have defined clearly, which is the sovereignty of the people; but we have done no more towards settling what is constitutional than we have in the distribution of powers. The organization of the French nation is, therefore, still incomplete.

This legislature, without eyes or ears for what surrounds it, should no longer overwhelm us with a thousand laws passed on the spur of the moment, that negative one absurdity by another, and that leave us, with three hundred folios of laws, a lawless nation.

Here, I think, is a political creed which our present circumstances render excusable. What a misfortune for a nation of 30 millions of people, and in the eighteenth century, to be driven to the support of bayonets to save the country!

25th. (To the Directoire.) An officer arrived from Paris day before yesterday; he has let it be known that he left Paris the 12th, and that there was anxiety there as to how I would take the event of the 18th of Fructidor; he was armed with a sort of circular to all the divisional generals of the army.

From this it clearly appears that the Government is acting towards me very much as it acted towards Pichegru after Vendémiaire. I ask you, Citoyens Directeurs, to replace me and to accept my resignation. No power on earth can make me continue to serve the Government after this horrible display of ingratitude, which I was entitled not to expect.

I am also in need of tuning my mind once more to the opinion of the public. I have too long wielded exceptional power. I have always used it for the good of the country, despite what those may think who doubt my rectitude. My reward must lie in my own conscience and the opinion of posterity. Now that the country is pacified and freed from danger, I can leave the post confided to me without any ill effects.

Great events hang by a thread. The able man turns everything to profit, neglects nothing that may give him one chance more; the man of less ability, by overlooking just one thing, spoils the whole.

October 1st. After dinner I had a private conversation with Count Cobenzl. He said that the Emperor might give us the Rhine, if we made great concessions in Italy; his proposals were absurd. My health is ruined, and nothing can replace good health, which is essential to carrying on war. I can barely get into the saddle, and need two years’ rest.

6th. The negotiations are at a standstill; the Austrians ask for too much. In twelve days we shall be in the field.

10th. At last the peace negotiations look like coming to a head. To-night peace will be signed, or the negotiations will be broken off.

Then a war with England will open for us a wider, more essential, more splendid field of opportunity. The English nation is worthier than the Venetian, and its liberation will forever consolidate the liberty and the happiness of France; or if we can compel the government to make peace, the advantages which we shall secure for our commerce all over the world will mark a great step in the consolidation of liberty and national prosperity. As for me, there is nothing left but to return from whence I
came, to take up the plough of Cincinnatus, and to set the example of obedience to the laws and of aversion from military rule, which has destroyed so many republics.

16th, Campo Formio:
Count Cobenzl and I met for our concluding session in a room where, according to Austrian custom, a dais had been installed with a chair of state representing that of the Austrian Emperor. On entering I asked what this meant, and (on being told), I said to the Austrian minister: Come, before we begin, you had better have that chair taken away, because I have never yet seen a chair set higher than others without immediately wanting to get into it.

Count Cobenzl, is that your ultimatum? Before three months are over I shall have smashed your monarchy, as I now smash this tray of glasses.—I break off negotiations.

18th, Passariano.
Peace was signed one hour after midnight at Campo Formio. I am quite sure there will be much criticism and carping.

November 2d. The army of England is already formed.

5th. General Hoche had some good maps of England, which might be got from his heirs.

9th. About half the troops will pass through Milan on the 11th of December on their way to France to form the nucleus of the army of England.

Order for Generals Masséna, Bernadotte, Brune, Joubert, Victor, Rampon, Gardanne, Belliard, Lannes, to be ready to start to take up commands in the army of England.

13th. I am off to-morrow for Rastadt, to exchange ratifications, to execute the clauses of the treaty, and to take part in the Congress of the Empire.

My wife expects to start on a trip to Rome in two or three days.

26th, Rastadt:
(To the Directoire.) As you perceive, I have travelled at breakneck speed, and I am not a little surprised to find that the Emperor’s booby plenipotentiaries are not here yet, except General Merveldt. General Berthier has handed me the treaty of peace, which this time, I am sure, will please the plenipotentiaries of the Emperor, for it is all splendour and gilt edges!

30th. To-morrow we complete everything relating to the secret clauses; in which case I shall start that very night.

December 26th, Paris:
(To the President of the National Institute.) I am honoured by the vote of the distinguished members of your society. I am only too conscious that before becoming their equal I must long remain their pupil. Were there any stronger way of expressing the esteem in which I hold them, I would use it.

The real conquests, those that leave no regrets behind, are those made over ignorance. The most honourable occupation, that which is most useful to nations, is to help on the diffusion of humane ideas. Henceforth the real strength of the French Republic must consist in not failing to make every new idea her own.

31st. On my return from Italy I took up my abode in a little house, Rue Chantereine. The Municipality of Paris ordered its name changed to Rue de la Victoire.