That would have been impossible to the Emperor, who to the end of his reign thought himself beloved by France with all the affection he bestowed; the truth, a truth sufficiently proved by the events that followed, is that the Emperor became more popular with that class of inhabitants which is called the people when he began to be unfortunate. His Majesty acquired the proof of this in a visit he made to the faubourg Saint-Antoine, and it is very certain that if, under other circumstances, the Emperor could have induced himself to flatter the people, a means distasteful to him on account of his souvenirs of the Revolution, the entire population of the Parisian faubourgs would have taken arms in his defence. How could any one doubt it after having read the fact to which I here allude?

Toward the close of 1813 or in the beginning of 1814, the Emperor went to the faubourg Saint-Antoine; for at present I cannot give the exact date of this unexpected visit. At any rate, on this occasion he displayed a confidence that even amounted to good-natured familiarity, so much so as to embolden those who came nearest to address him. Now, this is the conversation that ensued between His Majesty and several of the inhabitants, faithfully reported and acknowledged to be exact by several spectators of this truly affecting scene.

An Inhabitant. — Is it true, as they say, that affairs are going so badly?

The Emperor. — I cannot say that they are going any too well.

The Inhabitant. — But how is it going to end, then?

The Emperor. — God knows.

The Inhabitant. — But how is it? Can the enemies enter France?

The Emperor. — They might, and even come as far as here, unless people help me: I haven't a million arms. I can't do everything myself.

Many voices. — We will help you! we will help you!

Still more voices. — Yes! yes! count on us.

The Emperor. — In that case, the enemy will be beaten, and we shall preserve all our glory.

Many voices. — But what ought we to do?

The Emperor. — Enlist and fight.

A new voice. — We would do it willingly, but we would like to make some conditions.

The Emperor. — Well, speak out. Let us see; what are they?

Many voices. — We don't want to cross the frontier.

The Emperor. — You shall not cross it.

Many voices. — We would like to enter the guard.

The Emperor. — Well, be off to the guard.

Hardly had His Majesty pronounced these last words when the immense crowd surrounding him made the air ring with cries of Long live the Emperor! and increasing all along the route which he followed in making his way slowly to the Tuileries, it was environing him with an innumerable escort when he arrived at the gateway of the Carrousel. We heard these noisy acclamations from the palace, but they were so singularly interpreted by the commandants of the palace posts that, thinking there was an insurrection, they had the gates of the Tuileries fastened on the court side.

When I saw the Emperor, a few minutes after his return, he seemed to me more moved than satisfied; for he was highly displeased by anything that bore the appearance of disorder, and there was always something that annoyed him in a popular tumult, no matter what might be the excuse for it. However, this visit, which His Majesty might have repeated, caused a strong impression among the people and produced an immediate result, since in the course of the day more than two thousand individuals voluntarily enlisted and formed a new regiment of the guard.

On the anniversary of the coronation and of the battle of Austerlitz, there were, as usual, free performances in all the theatres of Paris; but the Emperor did not make his appearance at them, as he had often done. There were games also, distributions of comestibles, illuminations; and twelve young girls, dowried by the city of Paris, were married to former soldiers. I remember that of all that marked the formal occasions of the Empire, this kind of marriages was what pleased the Emperor best, and he often spoke of them with lively approbation; because, if I may venture to say so, His Majesty had a touch of what might be called the marriage mania.

We were then residing at the Tuileries, which the Emperor had not quitted since November 20, the day when he returned from Saint-Cloud, and which he did not quit until he set off for the army. His Majesty very often presided over the Council of State, the labors of which were always very active. I learned at this time, apropos of a decree, a circumstance which I thought singular; it had doubtless been a long time since the Montmorency commune had resumed the use of its former title; but it was only at the end of November, 1813, that the Emperor legally withdrew from it the name of Emile, given it by the Republic in honor of J. J. Rousseau. It may be believed that if it had retained it for so long, it was only because the Emperor had not thought of it sooner.

Perhaps it will be thought inexcusable in me to have mentioned a fact apparently so puerile, at a time when so many great measures were adopted by His Majesty. In fact, each day necessitated new arrangements, for the enemies were making progress at all points; the Russians were occupying Holland under command of General Witzingerode, who had been so bitter against us during the Russian campaign. The speedy return to Amsterdam of the inheritor of the House of Orange was already spoken of; in Italy Prince Eugène was contending only by dint of skill against the much more numerous army of Marshal de Bellegarde, which had just crossed the Adige; that of Prince Schwarzenberg occupied the confines of Switzerland; the Prussians and the troops of the confederation were crossing the Rhine at several points; the Emperor had not a single ally left, the King of Denmark, the only one who had remained faithful to him, having given way at last before the torrents from the north by concluding an armistice with Russia; while in the south all the ability of Marshal Soult barely sufficed to retard the progress of the Duke of Wellington, who was advancing toward our frontiers at the head of an army more numerous than that we could oppose to it, and one which was not exposed to the same privations as the French army. I very well remember having heard generals blame the Emperor at this time for not having abandoned Spain and brought all his troops back to France. I adduce this souvenir, but it may well be believed that I would not permit myself to hazard an opinion on such a matter. However it might be, it was evident that we were surrounded by war on all sides, and in this state of things, our former frontiers being threatened, it would have been strange had there not been a general aspiration after peace.

The Emperor desired it also, and at present no one professes a contrary opinion. All the works I have read which have been written by those who were in the best position to know the truth on all these subjects, are in agreement on this point. It is known that His Majesty had a letter written by the Duc de Bassano, in which he gave his adhesion to the bases proposed at Frankfort by the allies, for a new Congress. It is known that the city of Mannheim was designated for the assembly of this Congress, whither the Duc de Vicenza was afterwards to be sent. The latter, in a note of December 2, again repeated the adhesion of the Emperor to the general bases and summaries indicated for the Congress of Mannheim. Count Metternich replied on the 10th to this communication, that the sovereigns would acquaint their allies with the adhesion of the Emperor. All these negotiations dragged their slow length along solely though the fault of the allies, who ended by declaring at Frankfort that they would not lay down arms. By December 20 they were openly announcing their intention to invade France through Switzerland, the neutrality of which country had been formally recognized. I must admit that at the period at which I am speaking, my position kept me in complete ignorance of these things; but on learning them afterwards, they have awakened memories which have powerfully contributed to demonstrate their truth to me. Everybody, I hope, will admit that if the Emperor had desired war, it is not before me that he would have taken the trouble to speak of his wish for peace, as I often heard him do, and this does not belie what I have related concerning a response of His Majesty to Prince de Neufchâtel, since even in that he attributed the necessity for war to the bad faith of his enemies. Neither the immense renown of the Emperor nor his fame stand in need of my testimony, and I am under no illusion on that point; but I feel able, like any one else, to deposit my grain of verity.

I said before that at the time of his journey to Mayence, the Emperor had convoked the legislature for December 2. By another decree, this convocation was prorogued to December 19, and the annual ceremony was marked by the introduction of unaccustomed usages. In the first place, as I have said, to the Emperor alone belonged the right of appointing the president without the presentation of a triple list, as had formerly been the usage of the Senate; moreover, the Senate and the Council of State went in a body to the hall of the Legislative Body to be present at the opening session. I remember that this ceremony was looked forward to with more than common interest, so curious and eager was all Paris to hear the Emperor's speech, and to know what he would say about the situation of France. Alas! we were far from supposing that this annual solemnity would be the last!

The Senate and the Council of State having successively occupied the places indicated for them in the hall of sessions, the Empress came in and took her seat in a reserved gallery, surrounded by her ladies and the officers of her household; finally the Emperor made his appearance a quarter of an hour after the Empress, being introduced by the customary ceremonial. When the new president, the Duc de Massa, had taken the oath between the hands of the Emperor, His Majesty delivered the following discourse:

"Senators;

"Councillors of State;

"Deputies from the departments to the legislature;

"Brilliant victories have distinguished the French arms in this campaign. Unexampled defections have rendered these victories useless. Everything has turned against us. Even France would be in danger without the energy and union of the French.

"In these great circumstances, my first thought has been to call you near me. My heart requires the presence and the affection of my subjects.

"I have never been deluded by prosperity; adversity will find me superior to its assaults.

"I have several times given peace to nations when they had lost all. From a part of my conquests I have raised thrones for the kings who have abandoned me.

"I had conceived and executed great designs for the welfare of the world! . . . Monarch and father, I am sensible of what peace adds to the security of thrones and families. Negotiations with the allied powers have been entered into. I have adhered to the preliminary bases presented by them. I had hoped, therefore, that before this session opened the Congress of Mannheim would have assembled; but new delays, which are not attributed to France, have deferred that moment which the world is eagerly awaiting.

"I have given orders that all the original documents in the portfolio of my department of foreign affairs shall be communicated to you. You will obtain cognizance of them through the agency of a committee. The speakers of my council will acquaint you with my wishes on this subject.

"On my part there is no obstacle to the restoration of peace. I know and share all the sentiments of the French people. I say of the French people, because there is not one of them who would desire peace at the expense of honor.

"It is with regret that I ask new sacrifices from this generous people, but they are required by its noblest and most cherished interests. I must reinforce my armies by numerous levies: nations only treat securely when they deploy all their forces. An increase in the receipts has become indispensable. What my minister of finance will propose to you is conformable to the financial system I have established. We shall meet all expenses without a loan which will exhaust the future, and without paper money, which is the greatest enemy of social order.

"I am satisfied with the sentiments displayed toward me under existing circumstances by my Italian peoples.

"Denmark 1 and Naples alone have remained faithful to my alliance.

"The republic of the United States of America is successfully continuing its war against England.

"I have recognized the neutrality of the nineteen Swiss Cantons.

"Senators;

"Councillors of State;

"Deputies from the departments to the legislature;

"You are the natural organs of this throne; it is for you to give the example of an energy which shall recommend our generation to future generations. Let them not say of us: They sacrificed the chief interests of the country, they recognized the laws which England has sought in vain during four centuries to impose on France.

"My people cannot fear that the policy of their Emperor will ever betray the national glory. On my part, I am confident that the French people will be ever worthy of themselves and of me!"

This discourse was greeted with unanimous cries of Long live the Emperor! and when His Majesty returned to the Tuileries he seemed very well satisfied. However, he had a slight headache, which half an hour's repose dispelled. It did not recur that evening, and the Emperor questioned me as to what I had heard. I told him the truth; namely, that all the persons of my acquaintance agreed in saying that everybody wished for peace. "Peace! peace!" said the Emperor. "Eh! who desires it more than I do! Go, my son, go." I withdrew, and His Majesty went to rejoin the Empress.

It was about this time, though I cannot be exact about the day, that His Majesty made a decision in an affair which I had brought to his notice; and from this decision there will be evident what I may call His Majesty's profound respect for the rights of a legitimate marriage, and his antipathy against divorced persons. But I must go back a little in order to relate this anecdote which has just recurred to my memory.

In the Russian campaign, General Dupont-Derval had been killed on the field of battle after fighting valiantly. After His Majesty's return to Paris, his widow had tried several times, but always in vain, to bring a petition to his notice describing her painful position. Some one having advised her to address herself to me, I was affected by her distress, and took the liberty of presenting her request to the Emperor. His Majesty seldom rejected my solicitations of this sort, because I was very discreet about undertaking them; hence I was so fortunate as to obtain a considerable pension in favor of Madame Dupont-Derval. I do not remember how the Emperor happened to find out that General Dupont-Derval was a divorced man and had had a daughter by his first marriage, who was still living with her mother. He learned, moreover, that the woman whom General Dupont-Derval had taken for his second wife was the widow of a general officer, by whom she had two daughters. None of these circumstances, as may be supposed, had been set forth in the petition, but when they came to the Emperor's knowledge, he did not withdraw the pension, the certificate for which had not yet been sent, but he changed its destination. He gave it to the first wife of General Dupont-Derval, and made it reversible to her daughter, who was rich enough to dispense with it, while the other Madame Dupont-Derval was really in need. Meanwhile, as one is always in a hurry to impart good news, I had lost no time in informing my solicitress of the Emperor's favorable decision. She came back again when she learned what had been done, a thing of which I was myself entirely ignorant, and when I heard it, I supposed that she was the victim of a misunderstanding. Under that impression, I took the liberty of speaking to His Majesty again. Judge of my surprise when the Emperor himself deigned to give me an account of the whole affair. Then he added: "My poor child, you let yourself be taken in like a ninny. I promised the pension, and I have given it to the wife of General Derval, that is, to his real wife, the mother of his child." The Emperor was not at all annoyed with me. I knew that the claims would not end there, even though I did not continue to interest myself in them; but events taking their course up to the abdication of His Majesty, matters remained as they had been settled.